"2d, That, if his Majesty should think any legislative measures requisite for the remedy of the evils and abuses complained of, the Cortes would be ready to take into consideration any project of law which his Majesty, in his wisdom, should deem fit to propose."

In reply to so severe a report, it was urged, in behalf of ministers, that, though the constitution certainly rendered them responsible for all the acts of the executive government, yet this was not the way in which the control of government ought to be exercised; that a regular accusation should be brought forward, and definite facts stated; and that they should not be driven from their places by vague and undefined charges, which it was equally impossible to understand and to refute. The proposition, however, was carried by a majority of 104 to 59.

After this vote, it was supposed, that a change of ministry must be the immediate consequence. The King, however, appeared disposed to make a stand, and replied to the message of the Cortes only in these words: "The affair is important; I will reflect upon it." Meantime, new proofs of contumacy were given by the cities of the south. Seville and Cadiz addressed fresh representations to the Cortes, justifying their rejection of chiefs sent by a ministry whom they had every reason to suspect, and whom the Sevillians said, "they had sworn to disobey, even at the expense of their life.'

These proceedings called for the most serious attention of the Cortes, and a committee was immediately appointed to take the above addresses into consideration. The report, which was delivered next day, characterized the representations as decidedly seditious, and the whole conduct of

those concerned as tending to rebellion; and concluded, that there was room for placing them in a state of public accusation.

This report gave occasion to a very stormy debate, in which Cortes, Romero Alpuente, and others of the high popular leaders, defended, or at least excused, the people and authorities of Seville and Cadiz, and set forth in glowing colours the misconduct of the ministry out of which their discontent had arisen. The Cortes, however, by the large majority of 112 to 36, adopted the proposal of the committee.

It is impossible not to acknowledge, that the whole conduct of this Assembly, considered as a popular body, on so trying an occasion, was moderate, respectful, and favourable to the maintenance of public order. It was such, indeed, as drew upon them the indignation of the clubs and exaltados of Madrid. Notwithstanding, however, the vigorous resolutions into which they had entered, and the approach of a body of troops under the Marquis of Campo Verde, the year closed without any signs of submission given by the refractory cities. At the same period, the King, though calling council after council, had come to no decisive resolution respecting the change of ministry so urgently demanded by the Cortes and the nation.

Contemporaneous with these democratic movements in the great cities, were others of a very opposite description, destined soon to assume a truly formidable character. On the motive or pretext of the pestilence which desolated Catalonia, that body of troops, which, under the title of the sanitary cordon, proved the germ of future mighty evils, was drawn along the French frontier. This was either intended, or accepted, by the

high royalist party, as a movement made to favour their operations. Through all the frontier provinces, the curates and monks ran from village to village, calling on the people to take arms in defence of the altar and the throne. Crowds of peasantry assembled at this call in various parts of Navarre, Upper Arragon and Catalonia. In the former province, Juannito and San Ladron, old officers of Mina, assembled 1200 or 1500 men, and though repeatedly routed by Lopez Banos, found shelter within the French territories, and again rallied. Thus the seeds were rapidly springing up of that more formidable insurrection which marked the history of the following year.

In PORTUGAL, all opposition to the constitutional system having ceased, nothing remained but to put it in motion. On the 26th January the Cortes assembled. The Count de San Payo, Vice-President of the Supreme Tribunal, opened it with a discourse, in which he proclaimed as fundamental principles, obedience and fidelity to the King, and the strict profession of the Catholic religion. One of the first acts of the Cortes was to dissolve the provisional junta, with expressions, however, of approbation of its conduct; and a Regency was installed, composed, in a great measure, of the same members.

The Cortes now proceeded to fix the basis of the constitution, which they did on a model still more democratic than that of Spain. An orator, deed, (Pirheiro Azevedo,) made a proposal for what he called an intermediate power between the legislative and executive; which, when closely inquired into, was found to mean a second Chamber; but this motion, though taken into consideration, was negatived by a majority of 59 against 26. Another proposed, that the King

should have a permanent veto, but this was negatived by 78 against 7; and, though it was almost unanimously voted that he should have a temporary veto, the exercise of this was ultimately limited to the period of a month. It was only carried by 42 against 41, that there should be a Council of State; a large party urging that the Cortes, and their permanent deputation, might be Council sufficient.

The Cortes had scarcely completed these arrangements, when intelligence arrived that the King was about to return to Europe. The accounts were received with an expression of outward joy, not unmingled with secret apprehension. Although the King had given his consent to the new system, his sincerity might perhaps be more than doubted; and it might even be apprehended, that a still greater dislike to a similar system, just established, as we shall see, in his American dominions, might be a leading motive of his return. Even in the letter announcing the royal intention, was found the expression, "my vassals," which was considered as savouring greatly too much of the ancient order of things. These jealous spirits even found room for criticism in the expressions approve, and sanction, as applied to the constitution, when there was room, as they conceived, for nothing more than simple acceptance. These objections were even introduced into a deelaratory protest, which was unanimously carried.

Such was the state of men's minds, when, on the 3d of July, it was announced that the royal fleet had entered the Tagus. The Cortes immediately took the strictest precautions to provide for this crisis. Measures were adopted to suppress among the people any violent symptoms of loyalty, which might have been unfavourable to the constitutional order. It

was decreed, that no foreigner should hold any office without the consent of the Cortes, and that the Count de Palmela, with certain other persons named, should not disembark along with the King. These resolutions were notified to his Majesty by a deputation, which had instructions to remain on board till the moment of landing. However injurious these measures must have been felt, no resentment was expressed; and, on the following day, before noon, the King landed in great pomp, and amid the acclamations of the people. After the service of Te Deum at the cathedral, he repaired to the hall of the Cortes, and made oath to the constitution with every shew of sincerity. Mutual speeches of congratulation then passed between the President and the King. Some expressions of the latter, however, appearing to imply, that he considered himself as sharing the legislative power with the Cortes, a with the Cortes, a representation was drawn up, pointing out the discrepancy between these expressions and the articles of the constitution. The King, in reply, used every assurance by which he could satisfy them of the absolute and unqualified manner in which he accepted the code presented to him.

As soon as the King had named a ministry, the Cortes dissolved the Regency, and declared him in the exercise of the executive functions of the government.

This change in the Portuguese constitution produced, from the first, a difficulty in maintaining diplomatic relations with the great monarchical potentates. This was increased by some accidental circumstances. In one of the constitutional rejoicings, the delegate from Rome, and, in another, the Russian consul, had their windows broken in consequence of a refusal to illuminate. Warm remonstrances were hereupon made by the Russian and Austrian ambassadors, who stated their determination not to illuminate on any such occasion, and demanded security, that they should experience no molestation. Receiving none which appeared to them satisfactory, they took their depar ture on the 22d of August, with all their suite, except a consul to watch over their commercial concerns. Apprehensions were entertained, that a rupture might be the consequence; but, though the relations with these powers remained in a precarious and unfriendly position, nothing occurred that amounted to open hostility.

THE last year closed that critical

period which was to usher in the final catastrophe of the Neapolitan revolution. The King, whom we left at Florence, did not linger in that city, but, proceeding, even at this rigor ous season, through the Venetian States, and across the Noric Alps, arrived on the 8th January at Laybach. The Emperors of Russia and Austria were already there. No negotiation ensued. The King was informed that no room was left for deliberation or discussion. The purpose of the monarchs was irrevocably formed, on no account to acknowledge or permit the state of things established in the kingdom of the two Sicilies. If, therefore, therevolutionary government, as there was reason to fear, should refuse to undo all its acts, and to resign its self-assumed existence, all the resources of both empires were to be employed in putting it down by force of arms. It was added, that the alarm and danger into which this revolution had thrown the neighbouring states, rendered it indispensable that they should call up

on Naples for some guarantee of its future tranquillity. This could only be afforded by the temporary occupation of its territory by Austrian troops; a measure which would in no degree touch on national independence. This measure was at all events finally resolved upon; but, in case of unconditional submission on the part of the Neapolitans, the troops thus quartered would be maintained at the expense of the power to which they belonged; while, in the event of resistance, the funds must be supplied by Naples herself. The King having then inquired, what system was to be substituted for that which the monarchs were determined to overthrow; the reply was, that it must rest solely and absolutely with himself, acting on the advice of the persons whom he might judge best qualified to give to his people the constitution which might to him appear best calculated to promote their welfare. The King represents himself as having earnestly attempted to obtain somemodification of these purposes, approximating to the engagements which he

had so solemnly taken; but, finding the determinations of his august brethren immovable, he gave his oaths to the wind, and meekly resigned himself to the fatal necessity of being reestablished in all the plenitude of absolute power.

The unfortunate Neapolitans, meantime, were awaiting, with intense anxiety, the issue, which they might have so well foreseen, of this inauspicious journey. Little satisfaction was afforded by the King's first letter, in which he merely spoke of the amusement he found in hunting, and the superiority of his dogs to those of the Emperor Alexander. The want of information was fully supplied by the next, dated the 20th January, in which he communicated all the above particulars, stating, that it was out of his power, and, he believed, out of any human power, to obtain a different result; and that no alternative appeared to be left, but that of seeking, if possible, to avert the calamities of war, by an unqualified acquiescence. The Duke de Gallo, minister at war, who had accompanied the King, wrote soon after to the same effect. He had been detained from proceeding to Laybach till everything was fixed. The King then, in reply to every argument he could use, urged the total impossibility of altering the determination of the Congress. The Duke was also admitted to a general meeting of the ministers plenipotentiary, but merely to hear from M. de Metternich, the immutable determination formed by the allied courts, without being allowed to urge anything in reply. He found that Russia, Austria, and Prussia, took the lead in this resolution, and were prepared to support it by the most active measures. France passively concurred. Britain professed a strict neutrality; and her minister was present merely as a spectator.

Austria no longer lost any time in

acting upon the principles thus peremptorily announced, and which she justified, in a long declaration, published at Verona on the 13th February. The army in Upper Italy, amounting to between 50 and 60,000 men, was placed under the command of General Frimont, and received immediate orders to pass the Po. It was in the most formidable state. The long continued war, so recently terminated, had given to it a completely hardy and veteran character; while a sufficient interval of peace had elapsed, to fill up its ranks, and place it in the highest state of equipment and discipline.

On the 4th February, Frimont, from his head quarters at Padua, published a proclamation, announcing to the army the immediate intention of crossing the Po. They were strongly recommended to maintain order and discipline, both in passing through the territories of friendly powers, and after they had crossed the Neapolitan frontier. Only the enemies of public tranquillity, only rebels to their King, would oppose any resistance; but they would in vain attempt to obstruct the salutary object which this army was destined to accomplish. The consequences would fall on their own heads, not upon those of loyal and peaceable citizens.

On the following day, the whole army broke up and passed the Po, at or near Cremona, where the entire body directed its march upon Bolog na. On reaching that city, it split into two great divisions, one of which proceeded eastward through the Marches, upon Ancona, while the other directed its course to the west, by Florence and Rome.

These communications, and the measures founded upon them, could not fail to throw Naples into the utmost agitation. All hopes of preserving her constitution, at any price but that of