ceedings instituted against her, she had found in the Peers of England, persons not confining themselves to the duties of peers, but exercising the functions of prosecutors-if she had been led to think that a process new to the constitution, had been set on foot by ministers against her, and sanctioned by that House, he was bound to say that improprieties in her conduct since her arrival in this country there might have been, but no member of that House, after the abandonment in which she had been left in point of dignity and comfort, ought to wish her to be made responsible for them. He, therefore, did not object to the present grant; and he thought that her Majesty, not being called upon to wave her claim

to the insertion of her name in the Liturgy, was not bound to refuse the money. She had been ill-advised to refuse it, and he still trusted she would be well-advised to accept it. The bill passed without any farther observation or discussion.

The bill having thus been carried through all its stages, received the royal assent, and waited only the Queen's acceptance of the sum thus voted. This acceptance, after some delay, and notwithstanding the contrary recommendation of injudicious advisers, she was wise enough to grant. Thus this long series of proceedings, which, during more than six months, had agitated the House and the nation, was brought to a final termination.

THE

HE agitation of the House and the country on this painful question being brought to a period, the chief subject of contest during the remainder of the session, was the standing subject of finance. On this field a new combatant had recently appeared, who, by activity and determination, soon thrust himself forward into a conspicuous place. We took once occasion to complain of the popular chiefs as advancing charges which were too vague, too sweeping, and never laying their finger upon any real or practical grievance. This charge is certainly redeemed by Mr Hume, who can be accused of nothing but the excess of minuteness. If the others attacked no detail, he attacks indiscriminately every detail. somewhere, we think, lays it down as a maxim, to advance all the charges which he has heard, or can think of, taking the chance of being able to make good some one or other of them. He has thus brought forward many rash assertions, and inaccurate calculations; yet, presenting an immovable front to all the buffets with which he was overwhelmed, he con

He

tinued to press towards his point. As money is the subject on which the House shews itself always the most sensitive, and on which it divides stronger against ministers than on any other, he was sure of support whenever he had got any good ground to stand upon. His disputations, hence, though too much multiplied, and often trifling, had the effect of introducing a more systematic plan of keeping accounts, and a more rigid determination to practise economy than heretofore. Our readers, therefore, will not, we suppose, be unwilling to follow this determined investigator through the narrative of his multifarious career during the present session.

The financial campaign was opened on the 1st February by Mr Maberly, who moved for a variety of accounts relative to the sinking fund. Its nominal amount of 17,000,000l., he observed, was rendered nugatory by a loan of 12,000,000l., which reduced its real amount to 5,000,000%. He urged that this fictitious system should be done away with, and the sinking fund stated in the public ac

counts at what it really was, being only the excess of national income above expenditure. This view was seconded by Mr Grenfell. The Chancellor of the Exchequer observed, that the country, he was glad to say, had now arrived at that period when they might bid adieu to new loans and new taxes. The expenditure of the year would be met by the revenue; and he had to congratulate the country on a great increase of the export trade.

In the course of a desultory debate, Sir J. Newport complained of the great rise which had taken place in the expense of collecting the Irish revenue. Since 1808, it had risen from 117. to 251. per cent. Mr Vansittart explained this to arise, in a great measure, from a large part of the expense being no longer charged on the merchants as formerly, but now defrayed by the revenue. Mr Baring and Mr Philips complained of the unintelligible manner in which the public accounts were made up; but the old mode, according to Mr Vansittart, served many useful purposes, though it was not comprehended by the honourable gentlemen opposite.

A pretty warm conversation also took place on the 9th, when the minister moved the appointment of a committee of ways and means. Mr Creevey referred to the petitions from the agricultural and commercial interests, which fully proved the monstrous distress under which the country laboured-distress so great, as to prepare one part of the community to go to war with the other for the possession of its property; and yet in this deplorable state, nothing in the way of relief was even hinted at by government-they heard no plan for the amelioration of distress-night after night they had before them the old story of committees of supply and

ways and means; but they heard not one word about reform-not one word upon the necessity of retrenchment. Under such circumstances, he would not consent to grant one farthing of the public money-he would divide the House upon every vote, until he had some distinct pledge from those who took upon them to manage the affairs of the country, that some plan of practical reform should be submitted to that House. He would call upon the landholder and the fundholder to unite to unite against monsters-the monsters were not the fundholders; the monsters were those who held places under the crown, and appeared in that house. They appeared in that house under various characters, as lay lords of the Admiralty, as puisne commissioners of the India Board, but they shewed that they were real pensioners-dependents on the bounty of the crown; their presence in that house was use less-it was worse than useless, for there they were to vote on all occasions with the minister, never with the people. Let it not be supposed that he objected to the responsible ministers of the crown sitting in that house, their presence was necessary; but it was a monstrous thing to see persons holding places at pleasure under the crown, sitting and voting in that house; these formed a part of the pack which stood firm and united, it was found impossible to break in upon them. There were 72 persons in that house who held places to the amount of 120,000l. a-year, and 40 members were sufficient to make a house, to vote away the public mo ney, or to invade the public liberties! Was such an abuse to be endured? Was it possible from such men to ex pect the introduction of any plan of economical reform? There was ano ther body of men in that house who were called independent members;

there were no greater enemies to the country than those independent members; their votes were with the ministers; their families lived upon the taxes; and did any one doubt it? could the right honourable gentleman deny it? The brothers, sons, and more distant relations of those members would be found throughout the country, holding places in the customs, in the distribution of stamps, and in various other departments.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in answer, took occasion to state, that a reduction of 1,000,000l. was expected to be made in the estimates of the year; and that there would be a saving of 130,000!, in the management of the revenue, without diminishing the efficiency of the system.

Mr Hume complained, that the estimates would still amount to 18,000,000l., being a million more 'than had been contemplated by the committee of finance in 1817.

Colonel Davies and Sir J. Newport complained of the late period at which the estimates were laid before the House, so that parliament were obliged to vote away almost all the money, before they could be examined and reported upon, A most indecorous hurry was thus produced at the close of the session, and sometimes thirty or forty bills were passed in a day. As an instance of the bad effects of this system, he recollected a bill laying a duty upon madder having passed both Houses, when it was discovered that the word "madder" was omitted.

Mr Huskisson represented that the mode of presenting the estimates was now much improved. He recollected the time when they were not printed at all; now they were much clearer and in greater detail. Inadvertencies like those mentioned were unavoidable under the last system of legislation; he remembered a bill to exact

double tolls on a certain road on Sunday, and by a mistake it was so framed as to import, that only half could be levied on that as on other days.

The first estimates introduced to the notice of parliament, were those for the navy. On the 2d February, Sir George Warrender, in the committee of supply, proposed a reduction of 1000 in the number of men required for this service. His motion was for 22,000 seamen, including 8000 marines.

Mr Hume urged, that the reduction should rather have been made in the marines.

The minister said, that this opinion differed from that of all those who were acquainted with the service. In the event of war, a fleet of twenty sail could be immediately manned from the mercantile navy; whereas, the marines could receive no such immediate increase.

On the 4th May, when the navy estimates were brought up, and previous to Sir G. Warrender moving the grant, Mr Hume proposed a series of resolutions, which, on account of the information contained in them, we shall here insert.

"That it appears, by the returns before this House, that the expense of the admiralty office, of the navy pay office, and of the navy office establishments, in the year 1792, when there were 144 ships in commission, 257 ships in ordinary, and 16,000 seamen and marines in the service, was 58,719.; that, in the year 1813, when there were 666 ships in commission, 355 in ordinary, and 140,000 seamen and marines in the service, the expense of those offices was 189,2271.; and in the estimates for 1821, when there are only 119 ships in commission, 582 in ordinary, and 22,000 seamen and marines in the service, the expense is 185,000l. for

those offices, being only a reduction of 4,1771. in the sixth year of peace, from the year 1813 of extended warfare, and the sum of 126,3317. more in 1821 than in 1792 :-That the expense of the dock-yard establishments in England in the year 1792 was 25,3521.; in the year 1813 it amounted to 212,1431.; and in the estimate for the year 1821, the amount is 210,7451., being only 1,3987. less than in 1813, and of 185,393l. more in 1821 than in 1792; that the expense of the foreign dock-yards in the year 1813 was 52,369., and by the estimate for 1821, the charge is 53,9517., being 1,5917. more in the year 1821, a year of peace, than in 1813, a year of war :That the sum voted for the ordinary estimate of the navy in the year 1792, was 672,4821.; the sum voted for the ordinary estimate of the year 1813, was 1,757,9287.; and that the ordinary estimate for 1821 amounts to 2,484,6007., being 1,812,118. more than the estimate of the year 1792, and 726,6721. more than that of the year 1813-That the total supply voted for the service of the navy in the year 1792 was 1,985,482l., with 16,000 seamen and marines in the service; that in the year 1819 the supply voted for the navy was 5,985,415. with 19,000 seamen and marines in the service; and the estimate for the total supply of 1821 is 6,382,786., with 22,000 seamen and marines in the service, being a charge of 4,397,304. more in 1821 than in 1792, and of 397,3711. more in 1821 than in 1819." After a few words from Sir George Warrender, Mr Hume forbore to press his motion.

Sir George now brought forward the navy estimates. He observed, that it was impossible for parliament to judge of the amount of emoluments received by dock-yard officers in the year 1792, from any documents submitted to its notice. At that time a

dock-yard officer, with a salary of only 100%. a-year, might receive emoluments to the amount of 1000l. a-year ; whereas at present all his emoluments were known to, and limited by, parliament. Formerly, so far from being a check to abuse in the yard to which he was attached, he was actually bu sied in promoting it. At present, a system had been introduced, which made it his interest to look carefully after the interest of the public. The plan of task and check work had certainly introduced new officers into his Majesty's yards, but the benefits derived therefrom had more than compensated the expense they had occasioned. On the return of peace, it had been the first object of government to place such of our ships as had been for many years at sea, in an efficient state of ordinary; and that object had been so far accomplished, that orders had already been issued from the board of admiralty for the discontinuance of one-fifth of the men employed in the dock-yards. Besides this reduction, inquiries were now making for the purpose of discovering what further reductions could be effected. He believed he might promise the House that a very considerable reduction would be made with respect to the commissioners of dock-yards, and also to the civil officers employed in them, in the course of the ensuing year; and he did not know whether it might not be found expedient to reduce one of the dock-yards altogether within that period. The honourable baronet then proceeded to detail the different items in the estimates. He stated, that the increase of 11,000l. in the salaries and contingencies of the admiralty-office was occasioned partly by the reward given by the board of longitude to the crews of the Hecla and Griper, and partly by circumstances which he would at a future period shortly enumerate. The