Who laid him down and bask'd him in the sun, In good set terms, 'Good morrow, fool,' quoth I. 'No, sir,' quoth he, And then he drew a dial from his poke, And, looking on it with lack-lustre eye, Says very wisely, 'It is ten o'clock: Thus we may see,' quoth he, 'how the world wags: And after one hour more 'twill be eleven: An hour by his dial. O noble fool! A worthy fool! - Motley's the only wear. O worthy fool!· One that hath been a courtier, And says, if ladies be but young and fair, They have the gift to know't; and in his brain, After a voyage, he hath strange places cramm'd With observation, the which he vents O, that I were a fool! I am ambitious for a motley coat. . . It is my only suit; Invest me in my motley; give me leave To speak my mind, and I will through and through If they will patiently receive my medicine. Selection illustrating Melody. NOTE. Strive for a pleasing variety in the Current Melody and avoid the faults named above in the execution of the Cadences. IMPARTIAL ARBITRATION W. J. BRYAN A speech delivered before the Inter-Parliamentary Union, in London, July 26, 1906, on a resolution introduced by Mr. Bryan asking for an international commission of inquiry or the mediation of friendly powers, in case of disputes between nations. The first advantage of this resolution is that it secures an investigation of the facts, and if you can but separate the facts from the question of honor, the chances are one hundred to one that you can settle both the fact and the question of honor without war. There is, therefore, a great advantage in an investigation that brings out the facts, for disputed facts between nations, as between friends, are the cause of most disagreements. The second advantage of this investigation is that it gives time for calm consideration. That has already been well presented by the gentleman who has preceded me. I need not say to you that man excited is a very different animal from man calm, and that questions ought to be settled not by passion but by deliberation. If this resolution would do nothing else but give time for reflection and deliberation, there would be sufficient reason for its adoption. If we can but stay the hand of war until conscience can assert itself, war will be made more remote. When men are mad they swagger around and tell what they can do; when they are calm they consider what they ought to do. The third advantage of this investigation is that it gives opportunity to mobilize public opinion for the compelling of a peaceful settlement, and that is an advantage not to be overlooked. Public opinion is coming to be more and more a power in the world. One of the greatest statesmen of my country Thomas Jefferson, and, if it would not offend, I would say I believe him to be the greatest statesman the world has produced said that if he had to choose between a government without newspapers and newspapers without a government, he would rather risk the newspapers without a government. You may call it an extravagant statement, and yet it presents an idea, and that idea is that public opinion is a controlling force. I am glad that the time is coming when public opinion is to be more and more powerful; glad that the time is coming when the moral sentiment of one nation will influence the action of other nations; glad that the time is coming when the world will realize that a war between two nations affects others than the nations involved; glad that the time is coming when the world will insist that nations settle their differences by some peaceful means. If time is given for the marshaling of the force of public opinion, peace will be promoted. This resolution is presented, therefore, for the reason that it gives an opportunity to investigate the facts and to separate them from the question of honor, that it gives time for the calming of passion, and that it gives time for the formation of a controlling public sentiment. I will not disguise the fact that I consider this resolution a long step in the direction of peace, nor will I disguise the fact that I am here because I want this Inter-Parliamentary Union to take just as long a step as possible in the direction of universal peace. We meet in a famous hall, and looking down upon us from these walls are pictures that illustrate not only the glory that is to be won in war, but the horrors that follow war. There is a picture of one of the great figures in English history (pointing to the fresco by Maclise of the death of Nelson). Lord Nelson is represented as dying, and around him are the mangled forms of others. I understand that war brings out certain virtues. I am aware that it gives opportunity for the display of great patriotism; I am aware that the example of men who give their lives for their country is inspiring; but I venture to say there is as much inspiration in a noble life as there is in a heroic death, and I trust that one of the results of this Inter-Parliamentary Union will be to emphasize the doctrine that a life devoted to the public, and ever flowing, like a spring, with good, exerts an influence upon the human race and upon the destiny of the world as great as any death in war. And if you will permit me to mention one whose career I watched with interest and whose name I revere, I will say that, in my humble judgment, the sixty-four years of spotless public service of William Ewart Gladstone will, in years to come, be regarded as as rich an ornament to the history of this nation as the life of any man who poured out his blood upon a battlefield. All movements in the interest of peace have back of them the idea of brotherhood. If peace is to come in this world, it will come because people more and more clearly recognize the indissoluble tie that binds each human being to every other. If we are to build permanent peace, it must be on the foundation of the brotherhood of men. A poet has described how, in the civil war that divided our country into two hostile camps a generation ago, in one battle a soldier in one line thrust his bayonet through a soldier in the opposing line, and how, when he stooped to draw it out, he recognized in the face of the fallen one the face of his brother. And then the poet describes the feeling of horror that overwhelmed the survivor when he realized that he had taken the life of one who was the child of the same parents and the companion of his boyhood. It was a pathetic story, but is it too much to hope that as years go by we will begin to understand that the whole human race is but a larger family? It is not too much to hope that as years go by human sympathy will expand until this feeling of unity will not be confined to the members of a family or to the members of a clan or of a community or state, but shall be world-wide. It is not too much to hope that we, in this assembly, possibly by this resolution, may hasten the day when we shall feel so appalled at the thought of the taking of any human life that we shall strive to raise all questions to a level where the settlement will be by reason and not by force. PART III ELEMENTS OF ACTION Action is that part of expression which addresses itself to the eye. It embraces position, attitude, gesture, and facial expression. Its purpose is to reënforce speech; if it does not do this, it is superfluous. CHAPTER IX CONCEPTION OF ACTION Four considerations must be borne in mind in applying action, (1) Impulse to action, (2) Suppression of self, (3) Limits of personation, (4) Action in figurative language. SECTION I. IMPULSE TO ACTION Impulse to Action is the desire to strengthen spoken language with gesture or some other movement. The impulse is more important than the form of action. Still it is necessary to cultivate form because action in good form is more forceful. To be effective, action must also be spontaneous, must have impulse behind it. Better no action than no impulse. SECTION II. SUPPRESSION OF SELF The speaker should make his theme more prominent than himself, should hide behind his subject, and lead his audiences to think and feel with him. Awkward or profuse gesture attracts attention to the speaker. People lose sight of the thought and |