THE

Edinburgh

MONTHLY MAGAZINE.

MAY 1810.

On PARTY-SPIRIT, with regard to POLITICS, RELIGION,
and LITERATure,

Paucis judicium, aut reipublicæ amor: multi occulta spe, prout quis amicus, vel cliens, hunc vel illum, ambitiosis rumoribus, destinabant.

TACIT. Hist. lib. i. cap. 12.

PART I.

To

o convey useful information to the reader, especially on every subject intimately connected with the daily business of life, is the peculiar duty of a writer in a periodical publication. Such works are chiefly calculated for those who possess neither leisure nor attainments to peruse, with advantage or pleasure, more elaborate and detailed performances, and who seek for as much instruction, or literary delight, as is consistent with their necessary and continually returning employments. To waste, therefore, in refined speculation, or in inquiries of no practical tendency, the pages of a periodical work, intended principally for such a class of readers, appears both absurd and deceitful. It is absurd, because it evinces a departure from the implied design of such publications; it is deceitful, because it fulfils not expectations which have been justly raised. Besides, while curious and. nice disquisitions can gratify only a few, whose minds have, by nature or education, been adapted to them, practical and useful discussion not only extends its influence over the community at large, but may even convey salutary, if not novel, information to such as are conversant with the more abstruse branches of science, or with the refinements of literature; and, though it may not always enlighten their understandings, may at least improve their hearts, correct the affections, and tend to regulate their conduct.

Vol. I.

In

In selecting subjects of this description, particular regard is due to those which seem to have a particular reference to the complexion of the times, and to the manners which they exhibit. If I am not greatly misled by my own observation, extended through a course of years, the characteristical evil of the period in which we live is a violent spirit of party, which, under different forms, and among different classes, has long raged with more or less virulence; has already produced very fatal effects, and, if not moderated and restrained, at least within some tolerable bounds, is likely to produce consequences still more deplorable. I say, reduced within some tolerable bounds; because, from the ignorance and corruption of mankind, I apprehend that it will always exist in some shape or other, and in so far obstruct or retard the common welfare; and all that a writer on such a subject can propose is, by pointing out and unfolding its general nature and pernicious tendency, to repress its fury, and to excite caution against its excesses. This is the chief object of this essay, in which I design to consider party-spirit as it relates to politics, to religion, and to literature.

I shall begin by endeavouring to ascertain what that spirit is. Its very name is derived from a part or portion of some whole. Now, mankind are variously divided and subdivided, as they are considered in the aggregate of the whole human race; as they are distributed into nations; as they are viewed as constituting parts of those nations, such as the inhabitants of provinces and districts, of cities, towns, and villages; or, lastly, as members of one family. Whenever we suppose any community or association of men, we have presented to our minds one whole, consisting of various parts or members; and it is manifest that the good of the whole is what every individual member or part is bound to consider and to promote; because the good of every individual is contained in it, and can be most effectually advanced only by consulting and providing for this general good. Whenever this principle is violated, the fundamental conditions of all associations are disregarded, and flagrant injustice is done to the community, and to all who adhere to the social principles. For, whether or not we suppose a social compact, expressed in words, the reason of the thing itself dictates its virtual existence, in the very ends for which men are joined in communities; namely, their mutual protection, defence, and comfort. To this they are impelled, at first, by their social principles, and by their natural weakness; and experience evinces that neither the former can be gratified, nor the latter strengthened, but by that regard for the general weal, which renders the whole body a refuge and protection to all its members.

There are certain ties which bind the whole human race, although not connected by the relations of civil government; and those

those ties must be regarded, to prevent the introduction of sentiments, and of a subsequent conduct, which would tend to the complete destruction of mankind. Such ties even war itself cannot entirely dissolve, because war is not intended for extermination, but for the maintenance of rights which cannot otherwise be prosecuted. It follows, of consequence, that if any one nation adopts, even in war, a tenor of conduct which bursts asunder every tie of humanity, such nation becomes the enemy of all mankind, and is the just object of universal hostility.

Much more strongly is this principle applicable to the parts of which a nation is composed, because their relations to the whole are much more definite, and their duties, flowing from these, more easily ascertained. Any part or party in a state, which, setting aside all due regard to the common welfare, endeavours to divert into its own separate channels the power and vigour which should flow through the whole community, and fertilize and gladden all its various departments, strikes at the fundamental principle of civil society, and is, if not the declared, at least the virtual, enemy of the whole social body. If it succeeds in such an attempt, it subjects the whole to itself, and renders it subservient to its partial and pernicious purposes. But it never fails to suffer at last, both by its subversion of that just balance by which its own interest, well understood, was most effectually secured, and by the example which it sets to others to destroy it in its turn, whenever sufficient power for this purpose can be acquired. It becomes like an enormous excrescence on the human body, which, while it debilitates the whole frame, is morbid in itself, and corrupts every part which it draws within its own immediate and pernicious influence.

We have now pretty nearly ascertained the true nature of the spirit of party, as far as relates to political subjects. It consists in a devotion of the mind to the interests of a particular part of civil society, and in the direction of all political exertion, to the exclusive advancement of these. It disregards the community in general, and, by a strange practical synecdoche, substitutes a part for the whole. Of all dispositions this is the most repulsive, and the mode of conduct which it dictates directly tends to destroy society, and counteracts every sound maxim by which mankind ought to be influenced in their social and civil capacities. It is characterized by the most pernicious selfishness that can possess the soul. For, in all cases where it operates, the private interests of the individuals who are combined by it are commonly the grand objects of their pursuit. The exaltation of their party or faction is the exaltation and profit of every member who has entered into it; and although this cannot always be directly promoted, it may be accomplished in some circuitous manner; at least the imagina

tion

tion is deluded by secret expectations of this kind. This is finely expressed by Tacitus in my motto: Multi occulta spe, prout quis amicus, vel cliens, hunc vel illum, ambitiosis rumoribus, destinabant. "Many, instigated by secret hopes, pointed out the one or the other, with rumours suggested by ambition, as they were friends or clients of the person proposed." The immediate subject is the succession to the empire of Rome, which was obtained by Galba. But the motives of action are nearly the same in all cases where party-spirit prevails. With the leaders, their own ambitious views directly influence their conduct; and the greater number of their followers are actuated by some secret, and perhaps imaginary, incentives of advantage.

It is no wonder that a spirit, originating in such a source, should lead to the most atrocious conduct. It disregards every dictate of justice, and, provided it can attain its ends, deems every thing warrantable. Towards its opponents, it consults only the suggestions of animosity and hatred, and, casting away the balance of justice, grasps only her sword. There is nothing too detestable for this spirit to practise and approve. The basest calumnies are readily invented by it, and disseminated, in order to destroy the characters of the adherents of an adverse party; and the most shameful excuses and palliations are employed to cover or extenuate the worst actions of those whom it favours. Whereever it rages, truth, which ought to be the great rule and director of human conduct, totally disappears; and right and wrong, virtue and vice, seem to exchange their natures and their names. The moral and religious sentiments of mankind are completely perverted, and their minds are prepared for every species of iniquity. What renders this result doubly deplorable, is, that this perversion is so concealed from those who are under its influence, that they are invested, in their own imaginations, with the most venerable appearance of integrity and rectitude. The veil which party-spirit generally assumes is public-spirit, or the love of country, one of the noblest passions that can influence the human breast. But it is Satan transformed into an angel of light. From what has been already stated, it clearly appears that no two characters can be more opposite than a party-man, and a lover of his country. The one delights in the happiness of a whole nation, and observes and supports the grand principles of the social and civil union; carefully abstains from whatever can subvert or impair them; advances the general welfare by every means in his power, and sacrifices every private interest to that of the public. The other adopts principles and a conduct the reverse of the preceding, and, if his party is successful, is indifferent to the state, unless in as far as it can be made the prey or the engine of a faction. The former scrupulously adheres to every

dictate