reached an enormous height. In the Baltick they have been the more odious from the circumstances that it was expected that they had been completely suppressed there. Till of late these abuses were imputed to the privateers of Denmark, which induced the President to send a special mission to the Danish government, which, it was understood, was producing the desired effect. But it is now represented that the same evil is produced by a collusion between the privateers of Denmark and those of France. Hence it assumes a worse character. To seizures equally unlawful, is added, by carrying the causes to Paris, still more oppressive delays. If the French government is not willing to adopt the general rule alluded to, in favour of American commerce, it is presumed that it will not hesitate to define explicitly the causes of seizure, and to give such precise orders to its cruisers respecting them, with an assurance of certain punishment to those who violate them, as will prevent all abuse in future. Whatever orders are given, it would be satisfactory to this government, to be made acquainted with them. The President wishes to know, with great accuracy, the principles by which the French government intends to be governed, in regard to neutral commerce. A frank explanation on this subject, will be regarded as a proof of the friendly policy which France is disposed to pursue towards the United States. What advantage does France derive from these abuses? Vessels trading from the United States can never afford cause of suspicion on any principle, nor ought they to be subject to seizure. Can the few French privateers which occasionally appear at sea, make any general impression on the commerce of Great Britain? They seldom touch a British vessel. Legitimate and honourable warfare is not their object. The unarmed vessels of the United States are their only prey. The opportunities of fair prize are few, even should France maintain the British principle. Can these few prizes compensate her for the violation of her own principles, and for the effect which it ought, and cannot fail to produce here? Indemnity must be made for spoliations on American property under other decrees. On this subject it is unnecessary to add any thing to your present instructions. They are detailed and explicit. The trade by licenses must be abrogated. I cannot too strongly express the surprise of the President, after the repeated remonstrances of this government, and more especially after the letter of the duke of Cadore to Mr. Russell, of the last, informing him that that system would fall with the Berlin and Milan decrees, that it should still be adhered to. The exequaturs of the consuls who have granted such licenses, would long since have been revoked, if orders to them to discontinue the practice, had not daily been expected, or in case they were not received, the more effectual interposition of Congress to suppress it. It will certainly be prohibited by law, under severe penalties, in compliance with the recommendation of the President, if your despatches by the Constitution do not prove that your demand on this subject has been duly attended to. . It is expected also that the commerce between the United States and France and her allies, will be placed on the 'basis of a fair reciprocity. If the oppressive restrictions which still fetter and harass our commerce there are not removed, it cannot be doubted that Congress will, as soon it appears that a suitable change may not be expected, inpose similar restraints on the commerce of France. Should such a state of things arise between the two countries, you will readily perceive the obvious tendency, or rather certain effect, on the relations which now subsist between them. This is a short sketch of the policy which it is expected France will observe in regard to neutral commerce, and the other just claims of the United States. A compliance with it will impose on her no onerous condition; no concessions in favour of the United States. She will perform no act which she is not bound to perform, by a strict regard to justice. She will abstain from none, the abstinence from which is not dictated by the principles which she asserts and professes to support. What is also of great importance, the cause pointed out cannot fail to prove, in all its consequences, of the highest advantage to her. Among the measures necessary to support the attitude taken by this government, it is more than probable that a law will pass authorizing all merchant vessels to arm in their own defence. If England alone, by maintaining her orders in council, violates our neutral rights, with her only can any collision take effect. But in authorizing merchant vessels to arm, the object will be to enable them to support their rights against all who attempt to violate them. This consideration ought to afford a strong additional motive to France, to inhibit her privateers from interfering with American vessels. The United States will maintain their neutral rights equally against all nations who violate them. 1 You will find among the documents which accompanied the President's message, a correspondence between Mr. Foster and me, by which the difference relative to the attack on the Chesapeake, is terminated. It was thought advisable not to decline the advance of the British government on this point, although none was made on any other; and as the terms offered were such as had been in substance approved before, to accept them. The adjustment however of this difference does not authorize the expectasion of a favourable result from the British government on any other point. This government will pursue the same policy towards Great Britain in regard to other injuries, as if this had not been accommodated. You will also find among the printed documents a correspondence with Mr. Foster respecting the Floridas. To his remonstrance against the occupation of West Florida by the troops of the United States, he was told that it belonged to them by a title which could not be improved. And to that relative to East Florida, he was informed that Spain owed the United States for spoliations on their commerce, and for the suppression of the deposit at New Orleans, more than it was worth; that the United States looked to East Florida for their indemnity; that they would suffer no power to take it, and would take it themselves, either at the invitation of the inhabitants, or to prevent its falling into the hands of another power. With so just a claim on it, and without any adverse claim, which, under existing circumstances, is any wise sustainable, more especially as the necessary severance of the Spanish colonies from Old Spain is admitted, and the known disposition and interest of the inhabitants are in favour of the United States, the idea of purchasing the territory, otherwise than as it has been already more than paid for in the property wrongfully taken from the citizens of the United States, does not merit, and has not received a moment's consideration here. You will therefore discountenance the idea every where and in every shape. You will be furnished with a copy of my correspondence with Mr. Serrurier on the subject of a vessel called the Ballaou, No. 5, (formerly the Exchange) bearing a commission from the emperor of France, lately libelled in the district court of the United States for Pennsylvania. The decision of that court was in favour of a discharge of the vessel. An appeal was taken from it to the circuit court, by which the sentence was reversed. The cause was then carried by appeal, at the instance of the government, to the supreme court of the United States, where it is now depending. The whole process in favour of the French government is conducted on the part of, and at the expense of the United States, without, however, making themselves a party to it. This vessel is one of those that were seized under the Rambouillet decree. The French government took her into service, as appears by the documents in possession of the commandant, and sent her with despatches to some distant quarter. She came into the port of Philadelphia, as it is said, in distress. She having on board a cargo, distress may have been a pretext. As this government denies the justice of the Rambouillet decree, has remonstrated against, and expects an indemnity for losses under it, you will be sensible of the delicacy and difficulty which it has experienced in interfering, in any respect, in the case. To take the vessel from the court, and of course from the owner, and restore her to the French consul or other agent, even if under any circumstances lawful, would have excited universal discontent. I cannot dismiss this subject without remarking, that if the government of France had not violated the rights of the United States, by the Rambouillet decree, this case would not have occurred; and that it is painful to see a question connected with the publick law originate under such circum stances. The publick vessel which takes these despatches to you, has others for our charge d'affaires at London. After landing Mr. Biddle, who is the bearer of yours, at some port in France, she will proceed immediately to the English coast and land Mr. Tayloe, the messenger who is H charged with those for London. It is expected that she will be subject to a short delay only on the English coast, and that your despatches will be prepared for her on her return to France. It is highly important to this government, to obtain without delay, or rather with the greatest possible despatch, correct information from you, and from our charge d'affaires at London, of the policy adopted and the measures which have been already taken on the important interests depending with each government, on which you have been respectively instructed. A short detention of the vessel for an obvious and useful purpose, as intimated heretofore, will not be objected to. But such a delay as has, on some occasions occurred, is utterly inadmissible. I have the honour to be, &c. Joel Barlow, Esq. &c. &c. No. 1. JAMES MONROE. Extract of a Letter from Mr. Barlow to the Secretary of "I SEIZE the first occasion to announce to you my arrival, though I have very little else to announce. "I landed at Cherburg the 8th of this month, and arrived at Paris the 19th. "The emperor has been residing for some time at Compeigne, and it unluckily happened that he set out thence for the coast and for Holland, the day of my arrival here. "The duke of Bassano, minister of foreign relations, came the next day to Paris, for two days only, when he was to follow the emperor, to join him in Holland. General Turreau and others who called on me the morning after I reached Paris, assured me that the duke was desirous of seeing me as soon as possible, and with as little ceremony. "On the 21st, I made my first visit to him, which of course, had no other object than that of delivering my credentials. I expressed my regret at the emperor's absence, and the consequent delay of such business as was rendered particularly urgent by the necessity of sending |