ment to vigilance, if not to fill them with alarm. A regular correspondence was carried on with the revolutionary societies in France, from which even delegates were sent to compliment the associated sons of French liberty in this country.

CHAPTER XVII.

THE English Parliament assembled on the 31st of January, 1792, when the King announced the marriage of his son the Duke of York with the Princess Frederica, daughter of the King of Prussia; and informed the two Houses that a treaty had been concluded, under his mediation and that of his allies, between the Emperor and the Ottoman Porte, and preliminaries agreed upon between the latter of those powers and Russia. The general state of affairs in Europe, he said, promised a continuance of peace ; and he was induced to hope for an immediate reduction of the naval and military establishments. The debates on the address, and several succeeding discussions in both Houses, principally turned upon the line of policy pursued by the ministry, in their interference in the quarrel between Turkey and Russia, and in the hostility they had displayed towards the latter power.

On the 17th of February, Mr. Pitt exhibited an interesting picture of national prosperity. The amount of the permanent revenue, with the land and malt duties annexed, from January 1791 to January 1792, he estimated at 16,730,000l. being 300,000. more than the aggregate of the preceding year. The permanent expenditure, including the interest of the debt, the annual million applied towards its extinc

tion, the civil list, and the military and naval establishments, he calculated at 15,810,000l. leaving a clear surplus of more than 900,000l. In this state of things he thought himself authorized to propose the repeal of a part of the more burdensome taxes, to the amount of about 200,000l. per annum ; and at the same time to apply the sum of 400,000l. to the reduction of the national debt, in aid of the annual million appropriated by Parliament. This would still fall far short of his estimate of the national ability, and there was good ground to believe that we had not reached by many degrees the summit of our prosperity. When the debentures to the American loyalists should be discharged, which would happen in about four years, an addition of near 300,0007. would accrue to the revenue. In consequence of the general improvement of credit, the three per cents would soon rise so high as to enable the Parliament to effect a reduction of the four, and, as soon as by law redeemable, of the five per cents, which would add the sum of 700,000l. or little less, to the sinking fund. The indefinite additions which might be expected from the increasing produce of the existing taxes, the result of our rapidly increasing commerce, must mock all calculation. Our exports had risen onethird in value since the year 1783, i. e. from 14,741,000l. to 20,120,000l. and our internal trade had increased in at least an equal proportion. Thus should we be enabled to make a swiftly accelerated progress in the essential work of liquidating the national debt, and in a very short space of time to reach a point which, perhaps, not long since, was thought too distant for calculation. On the continuance of our present pros perity it was indeed impossible to count with certainty; but unquestionably there never was a time,

when, from the situation of Europe, we might more reasonably expect a durable peace than at the present moment. Such were the brilliant hopes which at this moment the people were taught to indulge, and with such dazzling but deceptive splendour rose the morn of a year which was destined to set in darkness.

On the 7th of March the House of Commons resolved itself into a committee, to take into consideration an establishment for the Duke and Duchess of York. By the treaty of marriage, the King of Prussia engaged to give his daughter a portion of 100,000 crowns, and the duke agreed to make her royal highness a present of 6000l. and to place at her sole disposal, for pin money, 4000l. per annum. Mr. Pitt now proposed that 18,000l. a year should be allowed them out of the consolidated fund; in addition to which, it was in contemplation that a farther sum of 70001. a year should be allowed them out of the Irish revenue. Lastly, he should propose, that in the event of her royal highness surviving the duke, the jointure of 8,000l. a year to her royal highness should be also payable out of the conso-> lidated fund. In the opposition to the motion, the Bishopric of Osnaburgh was alluded to, as producing his royal highness a considerable sum, and 12,000l. being already settled on him, several members considered the proposed grant too large the resolutions were, however, carried.

The system of raising money by lottery was strongly opposed, in a committee of supply, on the 28th March, when the chancellor of the exchequer proposed that: 812,5007. be obtained by that mode. Mr. M. A. Taylor expressed his surprise that, in a time of profound peace, the minister should have recourse to a method of levying money so extremely injurious to

the morals and happiness of the people, and conjured the legislature to adopt some other means. Several instances were adduced of the evils to which the system of state lotteries had led, amounting to robbery and suicide, and a petition from the grand jury of Middlesex was presented by Mr. Mainwaring, earnestly praying the House to take the subject into serious consideration. The impression, which these representations produced was such, that a motion for a committee to inquire into the evils arising from this source was immediately carried.

On the 2nd of April, the House resolved itself into a committee on the African slave trade. From the decision on Mr. Wilberforce's motion last session, it appeared that the enthusiasm of Parliament for the abolition had greatly abated; while on the other hand that of the public in general had increased. The table of the house was now covered with petitions from all parts of the kingdom, imploring in earnest language the abolition of that inhuman traffic. Mr. Wilberforce declared, that from his exertions in this cause he had found happiness, though not hitherto success. Its enlivened his waking and soothed his evening hours, and he could not recollect without singular satisfaction, that he had demanded justice for: millions who could not ask it for themselves. "He was aware that several who opposed him, judging by the humanity with which their own slaves were treated, could not conceive how the conduct of others could be so cruel. But it was not a Trajan or an Antoninus: that would make him in love with despotism, for though they would not misuse their power, there were a great many others that would. He disclaimed any design of an immediate emancipation of the negroes, and concluded an able and eloquent speech, by moving

the question of abolition. Mr. Wilberforce was powerfully supported by many of the most respectable members of the House; amongst whom Mr. Whitbread particularly distinguished himself. It was the necessary quality of despotism, he said, to corrupt and vitiate the heart and the moral evils of this system were still more to be dreaded than the political. But no mildness in practice could make that to be right which was fundamentally wrong. Nothing could make him give his assent to the original sin of delivering man over to the despotism of man. It was teo degrading to see, not the produce of human fabour, but man himself, made the object of trade. Mr. Dundas, who had been advanced to the dignity of secretary of state, by the resignation of the Duke of Leeds, recommended the adoption of a middle and moderate plan, such as would reconcile the interests of the West India islands with the eventual abolition of the trade; and moved, that the word gradual might be inserted, before abolition. Mr. Pitt declared his decided disapprobation of the amendment, and conjured the House not to postpone even for an hour the great and necessary work of abolition. Reflect, said he, on the eighty thousand persons annually torn from their native land! on the connexions which are broken! on the friendships, attachments, and relationships that are burst asunder! There is something in the horror of it that surpasses all the bounds of imagination. How shall we repair the mischiefs we have brought upon that continent? If, knowing the miseries we have caused, we refuse even now to put a stop to them, how greatly aggravated will be the guilt of Britain! Shall we not rather count the days and hours that are suffered to intervene, than to delay the accomplishment of such 3 L

VOL. 11.