which a vote is to be taken in three weeks; their purport being that the Diet should not recognize the legality for Holstein of the Danish Patent of the 25th of September, 1859, and the financial Laws emanating from it, because they were issued without the sanction of the Holstein States, and should call upon the Danish Government, under pain of the enforcement of the suspended Federal Execution, to give, within six weeks, a satisfactory declaration concerning their intention to fulfil the provisions of the Resolution of the Diet of the 8th of March, 1860, according to which no new laws should be promulgated for Holstein during the provisional state of things without the consent of the States of that Duchy.

The vote of the Hanoverian Government will be given in favour of these proposals, which, emanating in the first instance from the Prussian Government, appear to have been approved by the other purely German Governments.

Count Platen does not believe that, unless the Danish Government should be desirous to bring on a conflict, anything serious will be the result of the adoption of the proposals. His Excellency thinks that the Danish Government will not find it difficult to return such a reply as will induce the Diet still further to suspend the Federal Execution. He considers it as not unlikely that they will promise to submit the pending questions to the Holstein States.

I have, &c.

YOU are instructed to ask the Austrian Minister for Foreign Affairs what would be the precise object of a Federal Execution in Holstein, supposing Denmark should not yield to the demands of the German Confederation.

No. 105.

I am, &c.

My Lord,

Mr. Paget to Lord J. Russell.-(Received January 25.)

Copenhagen, January 17, 1861. IT would be trespassing at too great a length upon your Lordship's time if I were to give you a detailed account of my interviews with M. Hall since the date of my last despatches.

The object of my endeavours has been to induce the Danish Government to take measures to avert the danger of an Execution in Holstein-a danger which has now become imminent.

Acting under the conviction which I have always had, that the more thoroughly the Danish Government fulfilled their engagements in regard to Schleswig the more easy would become the negotiations with the Diet respecting Holstein, and the less prone the Diet would be to take extreme measures, have renewed my representations to M. Hall on the subject of the former Duchy, and urged him to deal with the question of the nationalities in the most liberal spirit.

I have invariably kept in view and reminded M. Hall of the words of your Lordship's recent despatch, namely, that whatever may be the international value of the engagements entered into, the King of Denmark is bound in honour to fulfil them.

I have warned M. Hall of the gravity of the crisis that was coming on, and I have put to him this question, "Are you prepared to prove to Europe, if the question becomes an European one, and you look to foreign Governments for assistance, that you have faithfully and honestly acted up to what you have promised?"

Similar despatches were addressed on the same date to Her Majesty's Representatives at the other German Courts.

The door to discussion respecting the affairs of Schleswig having been closed for the moment by M. Hall having stated to me that the measures announced in the Decrees of the 9th instant respecting confirmation and private tuition (inclosed in my despatch of the 11th instant) were all that could now be done by the Danish Government, I have since confined myself, in my conversations with his Excellency, to the question of Holstein.

Before, however, relating what has taken place on this subject, I would beg leave to make one or two remarks with reference to the Decrees just alluded to. It would be vain to hope that the measures therein announced will be sufficient to satisfy the German Powers, or be taken by them as a full accomplishment by Denmark of the promise to place the two Nationalities on an equality.

Nevertheless, they are a step in the right direction, and when allowance is made for the difficulties which the Danish Government has to encounter in dealing with this question from the political party who supports them, they are perhaps as much as one had any reason to hope they would concede at this

moment.

I endeavoured to get M. Hall to make them more complete by changing the existing regulations respecting the education in the schools, but this I found, as heretofore, totally useless. There were, as your Lordship will remember, two other points in the Memorandum respecting Schleswig which was communicated to Berlin, namely, the restitution of political rights to certain attainted individuals, and the right of association between Holsteiners and Schleswigers for non-political

purposes.

My endeavours to obtain the carrying out of these concessions were met by M. Hall in the following manner :-With regard to the first he said that the elections in Schleswig being just over, the measure would not have any effect for the next six years, and its publication now would therefore probably be considered as a mockery and produce a bad instead of a good effect.

With reference to the second point M. Hall said, that although there was no law to prevent the inhabitants of the two Duchies from joining Societies already in existence, the Danish Government could not, at a moment when there was so much agitation, grant permission for new Societies to be formed, which under the guise of scientific pursuits would become the hotbeds of political intrigue.

I now revert to the question of Holstein. I informed your Lordship in my despatch of the 19th of December, that I had already urged M. Hall to convoke the Holstein States, and to endeavour to come to a direct understanding with them on the question of the Budget. This advice I continued to give with more or less success, but without ever receiving any positive reply until I was informed by M. Hall on the 12th instant of the nature of his intelligence from Frankfort, which I made known to your Lordship in a telegram of the same date. In addition to the information therein contained I understood from M. Hall that four weeks only were to be allowed to Denmark to reply to the summons of the Diet. This information has been since modified; but supposing the first account to be correct, it was evident that there was now not sufficient time for an attempt to negotiate with the Holstein States.

The only course, therefore, for the Danish Government to pursue if an Execution was to be avoided, was to prepare themselves to acquiesce at once in the demands of the Diet, and this advice I tendered to M. Hall.

His Excellency said that before taking any decision he must wait for further details from Frankfort, for that he did not as yet know on what the proposal for an Execution was grounded.

Reasonable as this reserve appeared to be, I could not help remarking that considering the Resolution of the Diet of the 8th of March last, it was perhaps hardly necessary to wait for ulterior information to arrive at the conclusion that the proposal for Execution was for the purpose of forcing the Danish Government to conform to the Decree of the Diet respecting the control to be exercised by the Holstein States over the Budget for the common expenses of the Monarchy, and if I was right in this conjecture I could only advise the Danish Government to be prepared to acquiesce in the demand.

M. Hall, after some discussion, gave me to understand that if this was the only point put forward, he would personally be disposed to yield; but if a decision from Denmark was required upon the definitive position for Holstein in the Monarchy, he could only say it was asking a thing which was impossible, which the Prussian Cabinet knew to be so, and which was in direct contra

diction to the expressed opinion of the Holstein States, who, in their Report of March 1859, had recommended a temporary arrangement to prepare the way and give time for the discussion of the permanent one.

In speaking of the question of the Budget, I made use of arguments to the following effect:

66

The reason why you object to give the Holstein States the same control over the common expenses of the Monarchy as is possessed by the Rigsraad, is the fear that they will refuse you some of the votes you require. It is not the principle of a deliberative voice you object to, because by your own proposal you grant them this, supposing you call on them for more than the sum you have fixed as their quota of contribution. Now I will suppose that instead of 850,000 dollars, as you propose, they only consent to give you 600,000. In this case you will no doubt be put to inconvenience. You may have to retard the progress of your fortifications, or the building of some ship: but is this inconvenience worth a moment's consideration in comparison with the consequences of an Execution? In this case you will not only be deprived of every single dollar from Holstein, including the normal Budget, amounting to above 2,000,000 dollars, but in addition you will have to keep your army on a war footing: the resources of the country will be crippled, and the operations of commerce arrested. In a financial point of view, therefore, you will evidently be losers if the Execution takes place; and since you are ready to admit the entire competence of the Holstein States in matters concerning persons and property, I cannot but think you would do wisely to acknowledge it to the same extent in regard to finance."

M. Hall having in the course of his observations alluded to a guarantee from the Great Powers against further encroachments on the part of Germany, in the event of Denmark yielding to the present summons of the Diet; and having stated his conviction that the ultimate aims of Germany were directed to other parts of the Monarchy beyond their competence, I replied that, as he was well aware, so long as the action of the Diet was confined to Holstein, the Great Powers could not interfere; that the question was between the Duke of Holstein, not the King of Denmark, and the Confederation. "Holstein being subject to the laws of the Confederation, it is," I said, "to quote from Lord John Russell's despatch which I communicated to you, for the Duke of Holstein and the Diet to decide together what those laws require, and what should be the future destiny of the Duchy.' And with regard to the conviction he had expressed as to the ultimate aims of Germany, I suggested the expediency of averting this danger by taking such measures as would deprive the Confederation of a legitimate excuse for sending their troops into Holstein.

99

M. Hall contested the possibility of making the distinction above-mentioned in the character of the King of Denmark, and repeated that the measures to be taken by the Danish Government must depend upon the nature of the summons addressed to them.

I believe that I have now given your Lordship a faithful account of the substance of what has passed between M. Hall and myself in our various conversations; and I can only express the hope that the language I have held may be in conformity with the views of Her Majesty's Government. It has been dictated by a sincere regard for the interests of this country, and by a desire to do what lies in my power to prevent another complication being added to those already existing in Europe.

I have only to add, that I have been in communication with my French, Russian, and Swedish colleagues on the matters alluded to in this despatch; and I have every reason to believe that their language to M. Hall has been the same as my own.

I have, &c.

THE recent intelligence from Frankfort has caused much excitement and agitation in this country.

The Government, while waiting for further information from the Diet, is preparing measures of defence. At the Council, presided by the King, the day before yesterday, a levy of 6,000 seamen was ordered, and the battalions on furlough are to join their regiments.

A Political Club, under the auspices of Baron Blixen, was formed a few days ago, and issued the following programme :—

1st. To oppose every attempt to allow foreign countries to advise concerning the internal affairs of the Kingdom of Denmark.

2ndly. To oppose every sacrifice of Danish nationality in South Jutland (Schleswig), and to strive for the introduction into that part of the Kingdom of freedom in union with the fundamental law of the Kingdom of Denmark, of the 5th June, 1849 (in other words, incorporation of the Duchy).

This Club has since been dissolved, and another one formed, with Baron Blixen, Colonel Tscherning, who represents the Democratic faction of the Rigsraad," and M. Madrig, the President of that Assembly, at its head, with the avowed object of supporting the Government in all measures of resistance against oppression.

Some of the newspapers advise a stand being made against the Federal troops in Holstein, and not to wait for the course of events to bring them across the Eider.

M. HALL having to attend the Folkething is unable to receive me to-day. I understand, however, from M. Vedel, the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, that the Government have received no advices from Frankfort relative to the proceedings in the Diet the day before yesterday.

The Prussian Minister has, however, received a despatch stating that the Report of the United Committee had been presented to the Diet. The tenour of this Report is that the Danish Patent of September 25, 1859, and Finance Law of 1860, being illegal, because they were issued without the consent of the Holstein States, Denmark should be required to adhere to the Resolution of the Diet of March 8, 1860.

If the Report is adopted, six weeks will be allowed to Denmark to reply. The version taken from the Danish papers, which I sent to your Lordship last night, is different, it being therein stated that the vote had taken place, and the inference to be drawn naturally was that Denmark had only six weeks, from the 17th instant, to decide.

Mr. Ward to Lord J. Russell.-(Received January 25.)

My Lord, Hamburgh, January 23, 1861. DURING the last fortnight the prevailing excitement in Holstein has been increased by the publication of the proceedings of the Federal Diet on the 17th instant, which render the appearance of an Army of Execution in the Duchy more likely than ever, and by the intelligence of the active preparations for war now making at Copenhagen.

The recommendation of the Federal Committee to the Diet to enforce the Resolution of the 8th of March, 1860, leaves little doubt that the Federal body will not allow itself to be much longer trifled with; and although an impression is prevalent that Denmark will, at the last moment, make some apparent concessions as a pretext for delay, it seems impossible for the Germanic body to recede upon the question of principle, for the real point at issue is not so much whether

R

Holstein shall, in the current year, contribute 100,000 dollars more or less to the general wants of the Monarchy, but whether the States of the Duchy shall, or not, have a decisive voice as regards their own finances, and the management of their internal affairs.

An incident has occurred of a nature calculated to increase the unpopularity of the Government, and to add to the uneasiness of men's minds in the Duchy. The Danish Minister for Holstein and Lauenburg has, by an Ordinance dated the 16th of January instant, suppressed the German National Society, and prohibited its meetings within both Duchies, on the ground that at a meeting of the Society, held at Kiel on the 13th preceding, it had been unanimously resolved to agitate, not only for the closest accession to Centralized Germany, but for the restoration of the union betweeen the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein.

It appears that the German National Society (which has been working for the last two years in most of the German States for national unity, and the establishment of a Central Power under Prussia instead of the Federal Diet) has a branch also in Holstein, and that its members have taken the opportunity of the present political conjuncture to raise the demand for a revival of the ancient connection between the two Duchies. They have insisted also upon various reforms applicable to their internal condition, such as a revision of the Electoral Law, the cessation of all arbitrary acts of power on the part of the Administration, the liberty of the press, and the restoration to the inhabitants of the right of petition and of public meetings, declaring, however, at the same time, that these reforms would be worthless without national independence, and the complete political union of the two Duchies.

The reformers in Holstein are, of course, well aware that, in so far as they aim at the union of the Duchies, their object is contrary to the existing stipulations between Denmark and the Germanic Confederation, and contrary to the rule of separation between the Duchies established by the Royal authority in pursuance of those stipulations. But the reformers expressly state in their programme that they will operate by legal means only, in the same way as the National Society aims at the realization by legitimate means, throughout Germany, of the idea of the political unity of the common country.

Without entering here into the technical question whether the meeting at Kiel on the 13th of January was, or not, a violation of the local law, it may suffice here to observe that the terror of the Government at a meeting of such a kind, is a proof of the very unsound state of things within the Duchy; for it is obvious that if the Danish Ducal Crown reposed upon the attachment and confidence of the people, meetings for effecting changes in the constitution of the Monarchy might take place without inspiring any real uneasiness or apprehension to the Executive Government.

The naval and military armaments which Denmark is now engaged in raising, are doubtless well known to your Lordship. It is not believed here that those armaments are prepared with the view of offering any resistance to a Federal army in Holstein, but they are considered merely as destined for the eventuality of hostilities extending beyond the Eider. However this may be, I much fear the complications of this long-standing Schleswig-Holstein question are such that it will only be found possible to settle them permanently by reconstituting the Danish Monarchy upon Federal principles, and by parting the two nationalities, so as to enable each of them to live and develop itself separately in peace, without encroaching upon the other's liberties and rights. I have, &c. (Signed) J. WARD.

My Lord,

No. 109.

Sir A. Malet to Lord J. Russell.-(Received January 27.)

Frankfort, January 23, 1861. WITH reference to my despatch of the 18th instant, and the précis therein contained of the conclusion of M. von der Pfordten's Report to the Diet on the pending question of the Danish Duchies, I am now enabled to transmit to your Lordship a translation of the text of that Report.

I have, &c. (Signed) A. MALET.