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French Roman Catholics still so recent in alle- CHAP. LI. giance? Above all it was not considered that the mass of the people in Canada born and bred under the old French civil laws were accustomed to no other, and according to the evidence produced at the Bar of the House of Commons were desirous of no other.* Such evidence, though resting on experienced and respectable authority, was overlooked in the American Congress as it had been by the Opposition in the British Parliament. It was imagined that the Canadians were secretly pining and dissatisfied at the acts of the British Government, an idea wholly erroneous, which caused at this time a fruitless Address, and after the war had commenced a baffled expedition.

The Congress having completed the business before them passed a Resolution for convening

* See Parl. Hist. vol. xvii. p. 1367, &c. Thus, for instance, in the examination of General Carleton who had commanded in the province :

"Mr. Mackworth. Did you find the Canadians disapprove "the Trial by Jury? (in civil cases.)

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"General Carleton. Very much. They have often said to me that they thought it very extraordinary that English gentlemen should think their property safer in the determi"nation of tailors, shoemakers, mixed with people in trade, "than in that of the Judges.

"Lord North. Did they express wishes of having an "Assembly?

"General Carleton. Much the contrary. In the conversa"tions I have had with them they have all said that when they "found what disputes the other colonies had with the Crown upon account of Assemblies they would much rather be "without them."

CHAP. another Congress on the 10th of May in the LI. ensuing year, and then on the 26th of October 1774. quietly dissolved themselves.--Even while their

sittings still continued the breach in Massachusetts between the administration and the people far from closing had grown wider. The Governor had issued Writs for a new Assembly to meet at Salem in the beginning of October. But finding the resignations in his new Council so many that the Council had no longer the legal numbers to do business, he changed his purpose, and issued a Proclamation to countermand his Writs. That Proclamation was treated by the patriots as so much waste paper. In open defiance of it they met at Salem, from whence next day they adjourned to Concord, an inland town still further removed from the Governor's control. There they voted themselves a provincial Congress, and began to administer the affairs of the colony as though they had been legally convened. They entrusted the principal power to a select body of their own Members to be called the "Committee "of Safety," a precedent afterwards followed both by other colonies and by the Congress, and at a later period by the COMITÉS DU SALUT PUBLIC in France. Above all they drew up a plan for their defence; they provided ammunition and stores for twelve thousand militia; they appointed as chiefs Artemas Ward and Jedediah Preble, who

* On the appointment and powers of this first "Committee "of Safety" see the American Archives, vol. i. p. 843.

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had seen some service in the late Canadian war; CHA P. and they enrolled a great number of selected Militia or MINUTE-MEN, SO called from their engagement which was to appear in arms at a minute's warning. To guard against such projects a Royal Proclamation was issued in England forbidding the export of arms and ammunition to the colonies. The news of that Proclamation added fuel to the flame. Several riots ensued which, though not serious, were significant. In Rhode Island the people seized a train of artillery belonging to the Crown. In New Hampshire they surprised a small fort, named William and Mary, garrisoned only by an officer and five men.

While thus each packet-ship which in succession reached England from America brought gloomier and gloomier tidings to the friends of peace, the English people were involved in the turmoil and conflict of a General Election. The Parliament now approaching its Septennial period was dissolved by Proclamation on the 30th of September. Several seats continued to be bought and sold; thus earlier in the year the estate of Gatton comprising the nomination of two Members for that borough had been disposed of for 75,000l.* But upon the whole we hear much less of venality at this General Election than in the preceding one. In most of the populous places where the public feeling could be shown it was shown clearly and

* Annual Register, 1774. p. 81. I have heard it said that in 1830 the late Lord Monson paid 180,000l. for the same estate.

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CHAP. beyond dispute on the side of Ministers. Thus in Westminster Burke who desired to stand could 1774. meet with no encouragement.* Two gentlemen who did stand-Lord Mahon as the kinsman of Chatham, and Humphrey Cotes as the friend of Wilkes were utterly defeated by the Court-candidates, Lord Thomas Clinton and Lord Percy. The common sentiment was that the Government during the last few years had been justly provoked by the misconduct of Massachusetts and the other New England provinces, - that conciliation had been tried and had failed, that at all hazards the refractory and rebellious spirit of that country must be quelled. Such at this period were the feelings of the people; such also were the feelings of the King. In such feelings, as in the contrary feelings of America, there was no doubt a foundation of truth. But unhappily the two nations on the opposite shores of the Atlantic, like the two Knights in the old legend, would look only to the colour on their own side of the shield.

The result of these Elections therefore was not only to confirm but to increase the general majority of Ministers. Not of course that their opponents were everywhere alike defeated. At Bristol after a severe contest Burke was trium

* Observe his angry expressions in writing to Lord Rockingham; (Correspondence, vol. i. p. 471-477.) The rumour which he heard through Dr. Morris that "a Spanish nobleman "has left Lord Mahon 50,000l." was a mere (may I not add an Electioneering?) fable.

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phantly returned. In Middlesex no competitor CHAP. ventured even to appear against Wilkes and Glynn. In London the City men were keen as ever on the side of Opposition. Already a year before had they shown their tendency by selecting for their Sheriffs two natives of America, Sayre and William Lee.* They now chose for their Members four thorough-going adversaries to Lord North; and further still, at this same period nominated Wilkes as their Lord Mayor.

Thus at length had Wilkes attained two high objects of ambition. In November he was installed as Lord Mayor of London. In November also he was permitted to take his seat as Member for Middlesex. The Government had wisely determined to consider his alleged disqualification as terminated by the Dissolution, and they interposed no further obstacle in the way of his admission. But as the ablest politicians had all along predicted, the moment his persecution ceased so did also his importance. When quietly allowed to be a Lord Mayor and a County Member he became-nobody. Having neither talent in his speeches nor yet weight in his character he quickly dwindled to an insignificant and for the most part a silent vote. Some time afterwards

In 1775 Stephen Sayre was committed to the Tower on a charge of High Treason. He had many other adventures, some at Berlin and St. Petersburg; (see the Malmesbury Papers, vol. i. p. 328.) returned to America, where he became an active opponent of General Washington's administration; and survived till 1820. Note to the Reed Correspondence, vol. i. p. 27.