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HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, FROM THE DISCOVERY OF THE AMERICAN CONTINENT
Ամբողջությամբ դիտվող - 1857
HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES FROM THE DISCOVERY OF THE AMERICAN CONTINENT
Ամբողջությամբ դիտվող - 1856
American arms army arrived assembly authority body Boston Britain British camp Canada Canadians Carleton chap Charleston Clinton command committee Connecticut constitution continental congress continued convention Cornelius Harnett council crown danger declaration defence delegates Dickinson Edward Rutledge eight elected empress enemy England English fire force foreign France Franklin friends George the Third governor guns honor hope hundred independence Indians inhabitants Island John Adams king king's land liberty Lord Lord North Lord William Campbell Massachusetts measures ment military militia ministers ministry Montgomery Moultrie never North officers opinion Panin parliament party patriots peace Pennsylvania petition principles proposed proprietary province Quebec rebels received regiment republic revolution river Rutledge Samuel Adams Schuyler sent ships Sir Peter Parker soldiers South Carolina spirit Sullivan's Island thirteen colonies thousand tion took town troops twenty unanimously Vergennes VIII Virginia vote Washington wished wrote York
Էջ 471 - In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms. Our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
Էջ 383 - That religion or the duty which we owe to our Creator, and the manner of discharging it, can be directed only by reason and conviction, not by force or violence ; and, therefore, all men are equally entitled to the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience ; and that it is the mutual duty of all to practice Christian forbearance, love and charity towards each other.
Էջ 37 - MR. STRAHAN, You are a member of parliament, and one of that majority which has doomed my country to destruction. — You have begun to burn our towns, and murder our people. — Look upon your hands! — They are stained with the blood of your relations ! — You and I were long friends: — You are now my enemy, — and I am • Yours, B. FRANKLIN.
Էջ 381 - That all men are by nature equally free and independent, and have certain inherent rights, of which, when they enter into a state of society, they cannot by any compact deprive or divest their posterity ; namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety.
Էջ 164 - England will ere long repent of having removed the only check that could keep her colonies in awe. They stand no longer in need of her protection ; she will call on them to contribute towards supporting the burdens they have helped to bring on her ; and they will answer by striking off all dependence.
Էջ 143 - Believe me, dear sir, there is not in the British Empire a man who more cordially loves a union with Great Britain than I do. But by the God that made me, I will cease to exist before I yield to a connection on such terms as the British Parliament propose; and in this I think I speak the sentiments of America.
Էջ 66 - You affect, sir, to despise all rank not derived from the same source with your own. I cannot conceive one more honorable than that which flows from the uncorrupted choice of a brave and free people, the purest source and original fountain of all power.
Էջ 382 - That a well regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, trained to arms, is the proper, natural and safe defence of a free State; that standing armies, in time of peace, should be avoided as dangerous to liberty; and that in all cases the military should be under strict subordination to, and governed by, the civil power.
Էջ 382 - ... all men, having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and attachment to, the community, have the right of suffrage, and cannot be taxed or deprived of their property for public uses, without their own consent, or that of their representatives so elected, nor bound by any law to which they have not, in like manner, assented, for the public good.