Imports by Great Britain fromPounds. 1886. Cherokee and Choctaw Indians removed from Georgia, Mississippi and Ala bama. 1837. American Anti-Slavery Society had an income of $36,000, and 70 agents commissioned. 1938. Colonization Soc. had an income of only $10,900. Cotton consumed in United States 106,000,000 lbs. Value of cotton goods imported into U. S. $13,286,830. Texas annexed. Gold discov'd in California. 1849 624,000,000 1,026,602,269 East Indies ...72,800,000 151,340,000 lbs. Other conti 1850 606,000,000 635,381,604 1850....do... 123,200,000 927,237,089 1852....do... 84,022,432 1851 648,000,000 1853... ....do... 180,481,496 Cotton crop United States 1853 746,376,848 1,111,570,370, 1,600,000,000 lbs. nental countries, 128,800,000. 1853. Value cotton import. $27,675,000. U. States export to England, 768,596,498 lbs. Do....do.....to continent, 335,271,064 lbs. NOTE. Our commercial year ends June 30; that of England, January 1. This will explain any seeming discrepancy in the imports by her from us, and our exports to her. N. B. In 1781, Great Britain commenced re-exporting a portion of her imports of cotton to the continent; but the amount did not reach a million of pounds, except in one year, until 1810, when it rose to over eight millions. The next year, however, it fell to a million and a quarter, and only rose, from near that amount, to six millions in 1814 and 1515. From 1818 her consumption, only, of cotton is given, as best representing her relations to slave labor for that commodity. After this date her exports of cotton gradually enlarged, until, in 1858, they reached over one hundred and forty-seven millions of pounds. Of this, over eighty-two millions were derived from the United States, and over fifty-nine millions from India. In this last year Great Britain imported from India 180,451,496 lbs.; from the United States 768,596,498 lbs. : the United States exported to Europe 335,271,064 lbs. Thus has the cotton market in the United States risen from zero in 1747, to 1,600,000,000 lbs. in 1853. In this period of little over a century, the export of cotton has risen to a value of $109,496,404; our own consumption has amounted to a value of $18,543,596. Our importations of cotton manufactures amounted in 1853 to $27,675,000. This too when our whole exports except cotton amounted to but $33,809,126, thus trebling the export of all other articles of foreign trade. The cotton crop, then, is worth to the foreign market $109,496,404, which, added to our domestic consumption, consisting of $53,100,290 of home supplies, and $26,477,950 of foreign supplies, makes a total of $79,578,240, forming a grand total of $180,074,644 as the monied value of the production of cotton in the commerce of the United States. Nor is the article of cotton, mighty as it is, the only interest in slave labor which the United States possess. They raise, according to the second table of our author, ingeniously and industriously deducted from the Patent and Census Office report, Abstract of Census, Rep. Com. Nav., &c., and formed into the following table: TABLE II. Tabular statement of agricultural products, domestic animals, &c., exported from the United States; the total value of products and animals raised in the country; and the value of the portion thereof left for home consumption and use, for the year 1853. These items swell to a grand total of $1,699,076,490 in value, of which our own export is, exclusive of $120,775,723 for cotton and tobacco, only $33,809,126, but which, added to the value of cotton and tobacco exported, becomes $154,584,849. In these massy numbers there may be millions amiss, without affecting the general result; this depends on the relative value of free labor and slave. This constitutes the balance of trade between these two kinds of labor, which is the gist of the argument, for the purpose in hand. The ratio may be stated in another form. Slave labor may be represented by $120,000,000, and free labor by $33,000,000, that is, the value of the product of slave labor exports nearly quadruples that of free labor exports. Our account of indebtedness to slave labor is not yet closed. "Our imports of coffee, tobacco, sugar, and molasses for 1853 amounted in value to $38,479,000, of which the hand of the slave in Brazil and Cuba supplied the value of $34,451,000," (page 51,) still these are but four foreign items of the great account between slave labor and free exhibited by the trade of the United States. "Of the domestic grown tobacco, valued at $19,975,000, and of which we retain nearly onehalf, the slave States produce the value of $16,787,000; of domestic rice, the product of the south, we consume $9,092,000; of domestic slave-grown sugar and molasses we take for home consumption to the value of $34,799,000, making our grocery account with domestic slavery foot up the sum of $50,449,000. Our whole indebtedness to slavery, foreign and domestic, for these four commodities, after deducting two millions for re-export, amounts to $82,607,000. By adding the value of foreign and domestic fabrics consumed annually in the United States to the yearly cost of the groceries which they use, our total indebtedness for articles of slave labor origin will be found swelling up to the enormous sum of $162,185,240," (page 52.) This is the money incorporation of slave labor in the trade of the United States. Can madness be carried to an extreme that should contemplate its destruction by abolishing the slavery of the negroes employed in its production, or in any other manner destroying the market for the exchange of such enormous masses of human labor for the clothing, the food, and the comforts of mankind? Were this abolition to be followed by an immediate elevation of the freed race, contrary as it would be to all the laws of human progress, still such a social revolution and disorganization might well demand the soberest consideration and the calmest deliberation. But when all experience, which has hitherto exhibited its light, shows that the success of such abolition is to be followed by every species of social devastation, murder, and massacre, and the return of society to primitive ignorance and barbarity, how can we, with any tolerance for the infatuation of the human mind, brand the conduct with sufficient reprobation? What substitute shall one hundred and thirty-three millions of foreign exports of slave labor find? By what means shall the export of thirtythree millions of free labor in provisions be raised to meet an import of two hundred and fifty millions of foreign commerce? Is it not sufficient to state these mighty questions, pregnant with the very life and substance of society, without following them into the frightful consequences of mutinous laborers refusing to work, and rife for every species of social disorder and violence? Must the bloody details of Haytian massacre and revolution, of the barbarism of the Jamaica and Demarara negroes be reiterated in all their horrors, to bring our countrymen to their senses? And is this enormous product of slave labor supported by itself? Nothing further from the truth. It lives on the products of free labor in provisions, in mechanic arts, in manufacturing labor, and in shipping. The farmers of the north and the west furnish the pork, the flour, the corn, the horses and mules, and much of the beef to feed and help the slave in his work. The mechanics of New England and the middle States cast and frame their cotton-gins and sugar-house mills, to complete the products. of slave labor. The manufacturers of the east and of Europe furnish the cotton fabrics, which their seamen bring in their own shipping built at the north, for the clothing of the slave and his master. How, in the absence of the slave market, shall this vast vacuum of social labor be filled? Let the laborers, the mechanics, the manufacturers, the sailors, the ship carpenters, and the merchants of the free States ponder upon the answer to this most grave inquiry. These various classes form the army of agents employed in the service of King Cotton. They all pant for his employment, eat the sugar and rice, drink the coffee, chew and smoke the tobacco, and wear the cotton which that opulent monarch furnishes from his inexhaustible treasury. Let these various classes clear their hands of any participation with the owners of slaves, by utterly refusing to consume these enjoyments and luxuries, although they have augmented the mass of social happiness, before they brand the slaveholder with their reprobation. Shall it be a question whether we shall continue to wear cotton fabrics or resort to the woollen wares of old, drink coffee, sweeten anything with sugar or molasses, smoke, chew, or snuff tobacco, eat rice, or any way, directly or indirectly, connect ourselves with the consumption of slave products? With whom shall we deal? Not with any people within the northern tropic, or near it; with none of the States of our own confederacy south of Pennsylvania and the Ohio river. And will not our philanthropists preserve their consistency by looking into the condition of the serfs of northern Europe, the workers in hemp and iron, the peons of Mexico, and, in fine, the oppressed of all nations and divisions. of men? Will not these modern puritans (I speak it not in derision of their heroic predecessors, to whom honor enough can never be given) in peace leave a country which they deem contaminated by so direful an evil as domestic slavery? Or will they seclude themselves in some new paradise of their own, with angels at its gates, armed with flaming swords, to keep off the impure, exclaiming, with the priests of antiquity, Procul, procul estɩprofani! Avaunt, ye impious! RAILROADS AND RAILROAD SYSTEM OF FLORIDA. The writer of the following article for the Review has been twenty years a resident of Florida, and has thus had abundant opportunities of information on the subject he discusses. The legislature of Florida, at its late session, (1854–’55,) adopted a railroad system which deserves to be generally known throughout the other States, because of their deep interest in its success; for it would be hard to decide whether those having their natural outlets of trade on the Gulf of Mexico are to derive greater benefit by means of these improved facilities of intercourse than those bordering on the Atlantic, or than our remotest States and Territories on the Pacific. The State itself has made a noble provision to aid in carrying out this system; but, until there is a large increase of wealth and population, its completion must be a work of time, unless capital from the other States that are also to derive great advantage from it can be enlisted in its accomplishment. The internal improvement fund of Florida consists— 1. Of a grant of 500,000 acres of land, made by Congress, in 1845, upon the admission of the State into the Union; 2. Of all the swamp lands, and lands subject to overflow, Delonging to the United States, within the State, granted to it in 1850; and 3. Of the proceeds of sales of these lands already made, in money, bonds, and United States and State stocks. The first of these grants was located, as fast as the government surveys permitted, in bodies of 320 acres or more, and it embraces some of the best lands in the State-only a small part of which is yet sold. The lands included in the second grant are not yet ascertained, but the locating agents have made sufficient progress to know that the aggregate must amount at least to eight or ten millions of acres. Of course, much of this grant will be of little value; but it also includes a large quantity of the finest lands, easily protected and reclaimed, which will be |