plaisance. to free-trade. to erect fabriques for the supply of our markets with articles which we ourselves make or can make and have plenty of appliances and population to enable us to make in abundance. You fear that we would not be ready to let our manufacturers be supplanted in their British unnatural markets. We appreciate your feelings; they are to us no due commatter of surprise. But you do us too great justice. You are welcome rivals. We will promise to keep our markets open, and besides, to give you a supply of coal, duty free, for ten years, which we hope will be a long enough period to induce your industrial chiefs to form larger establishments, and, indeed, to induce our own chiefs to erect fabriques and at least carry on a part of their business-meantime, only a part-on French soil." Ex uno, disce omnes. What is the character and tendency of all our treaties and procedure? The practical application of these remarks, so far as our negotiations and immediate action are concerned, is that we should enter into no treaty which cannot at any moment, on a twelvemonth's denouncing notice, be brought to an end. Discussion Further, I suggest that henceforth all questions affecting trade proposed as should be dealt with as in no ways belonging to the range of party politics; that a committee, it may be composed of one person only on each side of the question, might be appointed by this association to argue, in written papers prepared alternately, the first in favour of free-trade (so-called) in manufactures, to be answered by the other, the sceptical side, and so on until the subject is fairly presented in completeness and continuity, such as will let the public form, on reasons and facts, sound conclusions. Strange to say, this question has never been fully and exhaustively argued. As to the supply of food, the nation yielded to the clearest demonstration that protective duties of necessity raise home prices. It could not be otherwise, for there was but a limited area to cultivate within the British Isles; and a far-sighted colonial, or rather Imperial, land policy had not been formulated. I wish we could say we are much better in that respect even yet. The case as to manufactures was and is altogether different. We had the lead. Protection Our markets were the cheapest in the world. We had unlimited of manufac sites to build factories unlimited mechanical upon, and an power, ample population to work them by, with other important advantages, such as domestic quietude, open harbours, established lines of shipping. Whether this suggestion of a discussion be adopted or not, we must somehow contemplate and realise what our position is. Other nations are competing with us. Foreign markets are becoming closed to us. Increase of trade commensurate with the increase of our population is improbable, at any rate it cannot tures never argued. Class and individual interests. be relied on. Whatever be thought about treaties and prospects of commerce, let us regard the great interest of the empire, and surely, in any case, it has become necessary, or, to use the shrewd statesman's adjective, expedient, to provide either employment at home, and this we cannot do, or else to facilitate and direct Emigration. EMIGRATION, which forms our second topic. I have no doubt that, even although we could, by restrictive policy or any other means, provide employment for the whole population within the British Isles for a century to come, it would be desirable, in the interest of mankind, and, what is more to the immediate purpose, in the interest of the empire, to encourage the peopling by our own subjects of the vast and rich agricultural lands which the colonies, on behalf surely of the whole, by the mother country's confidence and generosity, the empire possesses in all parts of the world. To do so is to benefit our fellow-subjects individually, especially those who will emigrate. But this individualism-which it is the modern fashion overmuch to consult I would rather keep in the background, and make a secondary consideration. In truth, we may well regret that class and individual, as distinguished from national, interests have been in the ascendant, have been supremely considered in British policy for the last half century. The evil, for such I regard it, is growing more rampant year by year. Imperialism has been misunderstood. Certainly it has of late gained no favour, because it assumed the aspect of rendering the United Kingdom imperial (and somewhat imperious), whereas warrantable imperialism means a predominant regard for the strength and welfare of the empire as a whole, and the solidification and future solidarity of the interests of the nation wherever they are occupying British territory and are thereby capable of adding to its resources and contributing to its independence and permanence. If the millions who have left our shores, not merely to expatriate themselves, which they would not do in an objectionable sense if Alienisation they went to the colonies, but, in becoming aliens, to aggrandise a power with which we desire beyond all others to be friendly, yet which, nevertheless, we would be even more friendly with if these our former fellow-subjects had been settled on British-American lands, if these millions, I say, were now reckonable among the colonial populations, how much stronger and more prosperous would not the empire be! The past mistake-a very gross and grievous one, let us admit and feel-will not be altogether a subject of regret, if it now be repented of and leads to instant and earnest endeavours to be more wise and patriotic hereafter, by imitating the United States, whose colonies become component of emigrants. or ofinquiry tion sug grants. states. It appears to have been an error to extinguish, as was done some years ago, the Emigration Board of Commissioners. I submit that the Government can do nothing more patriotic, and this association nothing more serviceable, than to get this urgent subject considered, even though partly retracing steps. Why should not a grand royal commission of noblemen, agriculturists, Commission working men, and colonists, be selected by the Queen, and charged as to emigrawith the task of inquiring what is best to be done to divert the gested. rapidly augmenting flow of emigrants towards the colonies, and confine it within the British dominions? The advantage of retaining within the empire such a valuable "property" and potentiality and productive power is beyond all calculation and all conception. To take the very lowest view, supposing every fullgrown man to be worth, whether we estimate his value by the cost of rearing, or by his probable contributions to wealth and defence and taxation, at £500, how much better to retain him under the British crown rather than-as unvalued surplus, ay, Value of emian encumbrance-not present him as a gift, but let him throw himself away beyond the limits of legitimate loyalty? Why applaud men of eminence among us who are engaged in such unnational operations ? Reaching the third stage of this paper, I remark that the grandest EMPIRE on the face of the globe is the British. The mother country consists of two islands geographically separated from the continent of Europe, having ports continually open, and endowed by nature with mineral and other wealth rich and Grandness large beyond estimation. Our Queen rules territories of vast of the extent, peopled in a great measure by hardy offshoots, in north. and central America, in Australia, and in Africa, not to speak of other possessions admirably placed in other parts of the globe, forming a vast and unique aggregate that comprehends every desirable variety of climate, and is possessed of splendid sea-coasts and river channels. To this great empire is attached India, not so much as a source of profit or glory, as a charge and a field for the noblest occupation of our noblest spirits. Between the several parts intervene navigable seas-whereon the British navy and British shipping are supreme-in such manner that, though geographically separated from the British Isles, the colonies are united by the best, the most frequent, and the most speedy means of intercommunication. All this renders the empire more powerful than if it existed in one solid block or were situated (as landagents say) in a ring fence. It must be confessed that the British Islands, although they contain so numerous and so vigorous a population, now reckoned at near 34,500,000, could not, I will not D empire. A Nation's rst concern. What the pire might become. say with success, but I do say only with the certainty of a greatly increased debt and great interruption of commercial prosperity, cope with other first-rate powers, especially if two of them combine and, if combined, own a strong fleet. Knowing that the foremost concern of a nation is to preserve and establish its power and independence, we gladly and with confidence point to what lies within reach-within easy reach. Include the colonies, let them contribute to the area from which are drawn revenues, soldiers, and seamen for the navy, and how different becomes our position! Look forward a little, and in God's good providence they are as populous as the mother country, of which they are even now the glory, the decus, though not yet tutamen in armis. The division of our strength, which ignorance laments, will make us more secure. Even though London, the capital of the empire, were besieged British E- and taken, a supposition so extreme that I may be pardoned for making it, the enemy could not feel he had struck a vital part. The empire's strength would remain. It should still be able to overcome all enemies, and might emerge more powerful. We must not regard the colonies as a reserve of power, nor even as auxiliaries in case of war, but as component parts of the great empire, which is the common inheritance that belongs to them as much as to us. At present, though they are honourably loyal and ardent, their loyalty and ardour are not turned to account; nay, they were latterly, by a few public men-never by our people -made light of. No preparations have been made to call such an inestimable advantage into action in case of need, still less to combine, in that unity which is required for strength and effect, the forces which the colonies are able to raise with those raised in the United Kingdom. No doubt, if the time necessary to organise would be allowed us, admirable contributions would be called forth. Certain powers with whom we might come into Backward conflict, and all the more because we are neglectful, have already soldiers counted by the million. We cannot begin this, the great work of imperial reconstruction, too soon. The phantom character of our empire, at present consisting of splendid stones all ready to be built into the grand edifice, but not yet built, must no longer be the reproach to nineteenth century statesmanship. We must look beyond our isles, beyond the proximate hour. Facts must be recognised. The claims of the colonies must be admitted. They must no longer appear to be outsiders-no longer be treated as if they were. They must not again be told that they may leave the British connection; on the contrary, they must be assured that the mother country esteems them, is proud of them, ness of statesmen. have not yet empire possible. will do them justice, will allow them their fair share, proportionate to number, in the maintenance and government of the empire and in the direction of its policy. At present colonists have not the colonists full rights of British subjects. They are at this moment exposed their full to the danger of war, yet have not the slightest voice in determin- rights. ing the course that shall keep them from that dreadful calamity, nor the armaments which would render a war-if it should arise -short and the means of establishing peace with honour and advantage. It would be well if we could make all the Queen's subjects conscious that they derive positive benefit from the connection, and do not suffer, as, for instance, I apprehend they do by the copyright monopoly, a monopoly which appears to neutralise the statesmanlike policy of sending the healthy throb of vivifying influence from the nation's heart in the largest possible measure to its remotest extremities. In order to this some politicians have, though not seriously, proposed intra-imperial free-trade. At A customspresent and for a long time this imagination must be kept in the union for the background or dismissed. To say much about it might create hardly prejudice as well as unwarrantable and unrealisable expectations. We can at once do much, however, by a proper system of emigration and opening out to rich and poor Britons the colonial unoccupied lands. Negotiations with the colonies, in which attention to this subject would certainly be prominent, should be entered upon at once. Every hour will increase whatever difficulty is now found or feared. No insurmountable, no serious obstacle exists. At present there is harmony throughout the Queen's dominions. We are in the enjoyment of peace abroad, as well as within the empire. The mother country is powerful and prosperous. The throne is much more than respected. The Queen is beloved. Almost everything, everything but the shortsightedness of statesmen, their desire to avoid whatever may embarrass them, their subjecting imperial to party interests, favours union and facilitates it. But new circumstances may Opportunearise; troublesome questions may emerge; prejudices may grow necessity. up which would render hardly possible what it is now comparatively easy to compass. There are the noblest motives to impel us. The world cannot afford that the British Empire should be disintegrated. Yet this it might be, for the status quo, the present miserable nondescript, fast and loose relations, cannot be permanent. Separation-which the people would deplore-is inevitable if there be not union. If the present generation fails, as the last has done, through the indolence, the self-complacency, the insouciance of our leaders, to rise to its responsibilities-fails to ness and |