experiment. But it is very feldom that we can obtain in this way any useful conclufion in politics: not only because it is difficult to find two cafes in which the combinations of circumftances are precifely the fame, but because our acquaintance with the political experience of mankind is much more inperfect than is commonly imagined. By far the greater part of what is called matter of fact in politics, is nothing else than theory; and, very frequently, in this fcience, when we think we are oppofing experience to fpeculation, we are only oppofing one theory to another.

To be fatisfied with the truth of this obfervation, it is almoft fufficient to recollect how extremely difficult it is to convey, by a general description, a juft idea of the actual ftate of any government. That every fuch description muft neceffarily be more or lefs theoretical, will appear from the following remarks.

1. Of the governments which have hitherto appeared in the history of mankind, few or none have taken their rife from political wisdom, but have been the gradual refult of time and experience, of circumftances and emergencies. In procefs of time, indeed, every government acquires a fyftematical appearance for although its different parts arofe from circumstances which may be regarded as accidental and irregular; yet there muft exift, among thefe parts, a certain degree of confiftency and analogy. Whereever a government has exifted for ages, and men have enjoyed tranquillity under it, it is a proof that its principles are not effentially at variance with each other. Every new inftitution which was introduced, must have had a certain reference to the laws and ufages exifting before, otherwife it could not have been permanent in its operation. If any one, contrary to the spirit of the reft, fhould have occafionally mingled with them, it muft foon have fallen

inty defuetude and oblivion; and thofe alone would remain, which accorded in their general tendency. Quæ ufu obtinuere," fays Lord Bacon, "fi non "bona, at faltem apta inter fe funt."

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The neceffity of ftudying particular conftitutions of government, by the help of fyftematical defcriptions of them, (fuch defcriptions, for example, as are given of that of England by Montefquieu and Blackftone,) arifes from the fame circumftances, which render it expedient, in moft inftances, to ftudy particular languages, by confulting the writings of grammarians. In both cafes, the knowledge we with to acquire, comprehends an infinite number of particulars, the confideration of which, in detail, would diftract the attention, and overload the memory. The fyftematical descriptions of politicians, like the general rules of grammarians, are in a high degree useful, for arranging, and fimplifying, the objects of our study; but in both cafes, we must remember, that the knowledge we acquire in this man. ner, is to be received with great limitations, and that it is no more poffible to convey, in a fyftematical form, a just and complete idea of a particular government, than it is to teach a language completely by means of general rules, without any practical affiftance from reading or converfation.

2. The nature and fpirit of a government, as it is actually exercifed at a particular period, cannot always be collected; perhaps it can feldom be collected from an examination of written laws, or of the established forms of a conftitution. These may continue the fame for a long courfe of ages, while the government may be modified in its exercise, to a great extent, by gradual and undefcribable alterations in the ideas, manners, and character, of the people; or by a change in the relations which dif ferent orders of the community bear to each other. In every country whatever, befide the established

laws, the political state of the people is affected by an infinite variety of circumftances, of which no words can convey a conception, and which are to be collected only from actual obfervation. Even in this way, it is not eafy for a perfon who has received his education in one country, to study the government of another; on account of the difficulty which he must neceffarily experience, in entering into the affociations which influence the mind under a different fyftem of manners, and in afcertaining (especially upon political fubjects) the complex ideas conveyed by a foreign language.

In confequence of the causes which have now been mentioned, it fometimes happens, that there are ef fential circumftances in the actual state of a government, about which the conftitutional laws are not only filent, but which are directly contrary to all the written laws, and to the fpirit of the constitution as delineated by theoretical writers.

IV. The art of government differs from the mechanical arts in this, that, in the former, it is much more difficult to refer effects to their causes, than in the latter; and, of confequence, it rarely happens, even when we have an opportunity of feeing a political experiment made, that we can draw from it any certain inference, with respect to the juftnefs of the principles by which it was fuggefted. In thofe complicated machines, to which the ftructure of civil fociety has been frequently compared, as all the different parts of which they are compofed are fubjected to physical laws, the errors of the artift muft neceffarily become apparent in the laft refult; but in the political fyftem, as well as in the animal body, where the general conftitution is found and healthy, there is a fort of vis medicatrix, which is fufficient for the cure of partial diforders; and in the one cafe, as well as in the other, the errors of human art are frequently corrected and concealed by the wisdom of nature.

Among the many false estimates which we daily make of human ability, there is perhaps none more groundless than the exaggerated conceptions we are apt to form of that fpecies of political wisdom which is supposed to be the fruit of long experience and of profeffional habits. "Go ;" (faid the chancellor Oxenftiern to his fon, when he was fending him to a congrefs of ambaffadors, and when the young man was expreffing his diffidence of his own abilities for fuch an employment ;) "Go, and fee with your "own eyes, Quam parva fapientia regitur mundus !” The truth is, (however paradoxical the remark may appear at firft view,) that the fpeculative errors of ftatesmen are frequently less fenfible in their effects, and, of confequence, more likely to escape without detection, than those of individuals who occupy inferior stations in fociety. The effects of mifconduct in private life, are eafily traced to their proper fource, and therefore the world is feldom far wrong in the judgments which it forms of the prudence or of the imprudence of private characters. But in confidering the affairs of a great nation, it is fo difficult to trace events to their proper caufes, and to distinguish the effects of political wisdom, from those whch are the natural refult of the fituation of the people, that it is fcarcely poffible, excepting in the cafe of a very long administration, to appreciate the talents of a statesman from the fuccefs or the failure of his measures. In every fociety, too, which, in. confequence of the general spirit of its government, enjoys the bleffings of tranquillity and liberty, a great part of the political order which we are apt to afcribe to legiflative fagacity, is the natural refult of the felfifh purfuits of individuals; nay, in every fuch fociety, (as I already hinted,) the natural tendency, to improvement is fo ftrong, as to overcome many powerful obftacles, which the imperfection of hu man inftitutions oppofes to its progrefs.

From thefe remarks, it seems to follow, that, altho’ in the mechanical arts, the errors of theory may frequently be corrected by repeated trials, without having recourse to general principles; yet, in the machine of government, there is fo great a variety of powers at work, befide the influence of the ftatesman, that it is vain to expect the art of legislation fhould be carried to its greateft poffible perfection by experience alone.

Still, however, it may be faid, that in the moft imperfect governments of modern Europe, we have an experimental proof, that they fecure, to a very great degree, the principal objects of the focial union. Why hazard these certain advantages, for the uncertain effects of changes, fuggefted by mere theory; and not reft fatisfied with a measure of political happinefs, which appears, from the hiftory of the world, to be greater than has commonly fallen to the lot of nations?

With thofe who would carry their zeal against re formation fo far, it is impoffible to argue; and it only remains for us to regret, that the number of fuch reafoners has, in all ages of the world, been fo great, and their influence on human affairs fo extenfive.

"There are fome men," (fays Dr. Johnson,) of "narrow views, and grovelling conceptions, who, "without the inftigation of perfonal malice, treat

every new attempt as wild and chimerical; and "look upon every endeavor to depart from the "beaten tract, as the rafh effort of a warm imagin"ation, or the glittering fpeculation of an exalted "mind, that may please and dazzle for a time, but * can produce no real or lafting advantage.

"These men value themselves upon a perpetual fcepticism; upon believing nothing but their own "fenfes; upon calling for demonftration where it cannot poffibly be obtained; and, fometimes,

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