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OLUMES of this Library illustrating English Religion and containing Shorter Works in English Prose have given many examples of our earlier Prose Literature, ESCHILVS which was chiefly religious. King Alfred, Elfric, the Ancren Riwle, prose of Wiclif, and of Chaucer, and of Sir John Mandeville; Pecock's "Repressor; " Arthurian romance; prose of Caxton, prose of Fisher and More, of Tyndale, Colet, Latimer; of Sir Thomas Elyot and of Roger Ascham; of Lyly's "Euphues" in Elizabeth's reign, of Sidney's "Defence of Poesy," Hooker's "Ecclesiastical Polity," and other books, leave us here almost free to begin at once with larger works of the prose-writers of the eighteenth century. To "Utopia" we have referred only for a quotation from More's sketch of "The Religion of the Utopians," deferring to this place a fuller showing of the substance of the book.

INITIAL. (From More's" Epigrams."

Ed. Basil. 1520.)

Sir Thomas More was thirty-eight years old when he wrote "Utopia." Utopia." It was written by him in Latin, and first printed at Louvain late in the year 1516, not by More himself, but by his friends in Flanders, Erasmus, Peter Giles, and others. More then revised the book himself, for an edition printed by Frobenius, at Basle, in November, 1518. It was reprinted in Paris and Vienna, still in the original Latin, and it was not published in any form in

1 See "Illustrations of English Religion," page 146,

of

England until the appearance of the first English translation. The translator was Ralph Robinson, and through his good offices the first appearance Utopia" in England was as an English book, published in Edward VI.'s reign, in the year 1551, and in 1556 reprinted after revision.

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More's Utopia" was a political satire on the vanities of statecraft and the shortcomings of what then passed for the highest form of civilised society. Its customs were weighed in the philosopher's balance, and found wanting. The New World had been discovered by the Cabots and by Columbus at the end of the fifteenth century, and in the earlier years of the sixteenth imagination was stirred by the Latin book, published in 1507, in which Amerigo Vespucci-after whom America was named-described his four voyages; a narrative of which More spoke as being "abroad in every man's hand." Vespucci, in the account of his fourth voyage, tells of twenty-four men left in a fort, with arms and provision for six months. More imagines a traveller, whom he calls Raphael Hythloday, to have been one of these twenty-four men; to have made with companions further exploration of his own about the region of the New World; and so to have come upon the otherwise unknown island of Utopia. The name Utopia is formed from two Greek words meaning "no place;" and Hythloday from two Greek words meaning "expert about trifles." While playfully trifling with the impossible constitution of an island that is Nowhere, More touches in every page with fine irony upon the actual state of Europe, and especially of England, in his time. Sometimes the satire takes the form of praise, in which the irony was manifest to every reader while the book was new. Although the word Utopian is now taken to characterise a scheme of which the hope rests upon impossible conditions, a scheme

wholly unpractical, there were few more practical books published in Henry VIII.'s reign than Sir Thomas More's "Utopia." It spoke words of deep earnest in the manner of a jest, and could draw men's eyes to the most sacred and substantial abuses while it seemed intent on blowing bubbles in the air. More wrote his book in Flanders, whither he had been sent, in May, 1515, with Cuthbert Tunstall and others to confer with ambassadors of the Archduke of Austria-who, when a youth of sixteen, became King of Spain in 1516 as Charles I., and two or three years afterwards Emperor as Charles V.touching a treaty of alliance. They went in May, 1515, and were about six months in Flanders. While there they had business with Antwerp, and More formed an intimate friendship with Peter Giles -Latinised Ægidius-a man of unusual culture, then about twenty-six years old, who was secretary to the municipality of Antwerp. In 1515 More wrote what is now the second part of "Utopia"-the description of the island. The first part was written as an introduction in the year 1516, and the book was printed at Louvain in November or December, 1516. In February, 1517, Erasmus was advising a correspondent to send for "Utopia," if he had not yet read it, and if he wished to see the true source of all political evils. In March, 1517, Erasmus spoke of a burgomaster at Antwerp who was so pleased with the book that he knew it all by heart.

In the translation by Ralph Robinson thus the book begins, with fact that slides into fiction upon the first meeting with Hythloday outside the great church at Antwerp:

The moste victorious and triumphant Kyng of Englande Henrye the eyght of that name, in al roial vertues, a Prince most perelesse, hadde of late in controuersie with Charles, the right highe and mightye Kyng of Castell, weighty matters, and of great importaunce. For the debatement and final determination wherof, the kynges Maiesty sent me Ambassadour into Flaunders, ioyned in Commission with Cuthbert Tunstall, a man doutlesse out of comparison, and whom the Kynges Maiestie of late, to the great reioysynge of all men, dyd preferre to the office of Maister of the Rolles.1

But of this mannes prayses I wyll saye nothyng, not bicause I doo feare that small credence shalbe geuen to the testimonye that cometh out of a frendes mouthe: but bicause his vertue and lernyng be greater, and of more excellency, then that I am able to praise them: and also in all places so famous and so perfectly well knowne, that they neede not, nor oughte not of me to bee praysed, vnlesse I woulde seeme to shew, and set furth the brightnes of the sonne with a candell, as the Prouerbe saieth. There mette vs at Bruges (for thus it was before agreed) thei whom their Prince hadde for that matter appoynted Commissioners: excellent men all. The chiefe and the head of theym was the Maregraue (as thei call him) of Bruges, a right honorable man: but the wisest and the best spoken of them was George Temsice, prouost of Casselses, a man, not only by lernyng, but also by

2

1 Cuthbert Tunstall became Bishop of London in 1522, and Tyndale vainly hoped to find maintenance by an appointment in his household while translating the New Testament into English. In 1530 Tunstall became Bishop of Durham. In 1559, at the close of his life, he was deprived for refusing to take oaths of allegiance to Queen Elizabeth. 2 Casselses, Cassel, now a French town in the department du Nord, then belonged to the Netherlands.

nature of singular eloquence, and in the lawes profoundly learned but in reasonynge, and debatyng of matters what by his naturall witte, and what by daily exercise, surely he hadde few fellowes. After that we had once or twise mette, and vpon certayne poyntes or articles coulde not fully or throughly agree, they for a certayne space tooke their leaue of vs, and departed to Bruxelle, there to know their Princes pleasure. I in the meane time (for so my busines laye) wente streighte thence to Antwerpe. Whiles I was there abidynge, often times amonge other, but whiche to me was more welcome then annye other, dyd visite me one Peter Giles, a citisen of Antwerpe, a man there in his countrey of honest reputation, and also preferred to high promotions, worthy truly of the hyghest. For it is hard to say, whether the yong man be in learnyng, or in honestye more excellent. For he is bothe of wonderfull vertuous conditions, and also singularly wel learned, and towardes all sortes of people excedyng gentyll: But towardes his frendes so kynde herted, so louyng, so faithfull, so trustye, and of so earnest affection, that it were verye harde in any place to fynde a man, that with him in all poyntes of frendshippe maye be compared. No man can be more lowlye or courteous. No man vseth lesse simulation or dissimulation, in no man is more prudent simplicitie. Besides this, he is in his talke and communication so merye and pleasaunte, yea and that withoute harme, that throughe his gentyll intertaynement, and his sweete and delectable communication, in me was greatly abated and diminished the feruente desyre that I had to see my natiue countrey, my wyfe and my chyldren, whom then I dyd muche longe and couete to see, because that at that time I had been more then. iiii. Monethes from them. Vpon a certayne daye when I hadde herde the diuine seruice in our Ladies Churche, which is the fayrest, the most gorgeous and curious Churche of buyldyng in all the Citie, and also most frequented of people, and the seruice beynge doone, was readye to go home to my lodgynge, I chaunced to espye this foresayde Peter talkynge with a certain Straunger, a man well stricken in age, with a blacke sonneburned face, a longe bearde, and a cloke cast homly about his shoulders, whome, by his fauoure and apparell furthwith I iudged to bee a mariner. But the sayde Peter seyng me, came vnto me, and saluted me.

And as I was aboute to answere him see you this man, sayth he (and therewith he poynted to the man, that I sawe hym talkynge with before). I was mynded, quod he, to brynge him strayghte home to you.

He should haue ben very welcome to me, sayd I, for your sake.

Nay (quod he) for his owne sake, if you knewe him: for there is no man thys day liuyng, that can tell you of so manye straunge and vnknowen peoples, and Countreyes, as this man can. And I know wel that you be very desirous to

heare of suche newes.

Then I coniectured not farre amisse (quod I) for euen at the first syght, I iudged him to be a mariner.

Naye (quod he) there ye were greatly deceyued: he hath sailed in deede, not as the mariner Palinure, but as the experte and prudent prince Vlisses: Yea, rather as the auncient and sage Philosopher Plato. For this same Raphaell Hythlodaye (for this is his name) is very well lerned in the Latine tongue but profounde and excellent in the Greke language. Wherin he euer bestowed more studye then in the Latine, bycause he had geuen himselfe wholy to the study of Philosophy. Wherof he knew that ther is nothyng extante in Latine, that is to anye purpose, sauynge a few of Senecaes, and Ciceroes dooynges. His patrimonye that he was borne vnto, he lefte to his brethern (for he is a Portugall borne) and for the desire that he had to see, and knowe

the farre Countreyes of the worlde, he ioyned himselfe in company with Amerike Vespuce, and in the. iii. last voyages of those. iiii. that be nowe in printe, and abrode in euery mannes handes, he continued styll in his company, sauyng that in the last voyage he came not home agayne with him. For he made suche meanes and shift, what by intretaunce, and what by importune sute, that he gotte licence of mayster Americke (though it were sore against his wyll) to be one of the. xxiiii. whiche in the ende of the last voyage were left in the countrey of Gulike. He was therefore lefte behynde for hys mynde sake, as one that tooke more thoughte and care for trauailyng, then dyenge: hauyng customably in his mouth these saiynges. He that hathe no graue, is couered with the skye: and, the way to heauen out of all places is of like length and distaunce. Which fantasy of his (if God had not ben his better frende) he had surely bought full

the departyng of Vespuce, he and his fellowes that taried behynde in Gulicke, began by litle and litle, throughe fayre and gentle speache, to wynne the loue and fauoure of the people of that countreye, insomuche that within shorte space, they dyd dwell amonges them, not only harmlesse, but also occupiyng with them verye familiarly. He tolde vs also, that they were in high reputation and fauour with a certayne great man (whose name and Countreye is nowe quite out of my remembraunce) which of his mere liberalitie dyd beare the costes and charges of him and his fyue companions. And besides that gaue theim a trustye guyde to conducte them in their iourney (which by water was in botes, and by land in wagons) and to brynge theim to other Princes with verye frendlye commendations. Thus after manye dayes iourneys, he sayd, they founde townes, and Cities, and weale publiques, full of people, gouerned by good and holsome lawes.

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deare. But after the departynge of Mayster Vespuce, when he had trauialed thorough and aboute many Countreyes with. v. of his companions Gulikianes,2 at the last by merueylous chaunce he arriued in Taprobane,3 from whence he went to Caliquit, where he chaunced to fynde certayne of hys Countreye shippes, wherein he retourned agayne into his Countreye, nothynge lesse then looked for.

All this when Peter hadde tolde me: I thanked him for his gentle kindnesse, that he had vouchsafed to brynge me to the speache of that man, whose communication he thoughte shoulde be to me pleasaunte, and acceptable. And therewith I tourned me to Raphaell. And when wee hadde haylsed eche other and had spoken these commune woordes, that bee customablye spoken at the first meting, and acquaintance of straungers, we went thence to my house, and there in my gardaine vpon a bench couered with greene torues, we satte downe talkyng together. There he tolde vs, how that after

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Hythloday saw many kinds of people and of ships, and made friends by teaching their expert mariners the use of the loadstone. "We asked chiefly," says More, "of the various ways in which men live in civil polity together. But as for monsters, because they be no news, of them we were nothing inquisitive."

More proposes at this time only to repeat what was told by Hythloday of the manners, customs, laws, and ordinances of the Utopians. But first he will give some account of the discourse that caused their Commonwealth to be mentioned. This discourse, serving as introduction to the account of Utopia, forms the first part of More's book; although last written, it stands first, in the manner of a preface. Through its imaginary dialogue More managed to speak his mind on the statesmanship of Europe in his time; the

7 Occupying, trading. In Latin, " occupare pecuniam," to occupy money, used with the dative of the person, was to put it out at interest to any one; and to occupy, with the ablative of the thing bought, was to invest in a purchase. There is this Old English use of the word to represent trade or invest ment in the parable of the ten pieces of money (Luke xix. 13), "And he calle 1 his ten servants, and delivered them ten pounds, and said unto them, Occupy till I come."

lust of foreign conquest by the kings then living, and substitution of the wrongs of war for the duties of peace in a just care for the well-being of their people; the much hanging of offenders, side by side with the creation instead of the removal of occasions of offence. More, with a strong sense of the king's wilfulness, at first withdrew himself from opportunities of taking rank among Henry VIII.'s advisers; and after he had been drawn into the royal service, the king's wilfulness did in the end cost More his life. Through Raphael Hythloday, More gave in these earlier days his own reasons for not desiring part in the king's councils. Peter Giles is made to wonder greatly that Hythloday, with all his experience of the world and power of being useful, does not take a place in some king's court. Hythloday objects to bondage. Peter says that he might be in no bondage, but retainer to a king at his own pleasure, for his own advancement and the general profit of all sorts of people; and More insists especially that although Hythloday prefers his own liberty to riches or power, yet the power of being helpful to a people by his counsels to a prince it would become him to use. In Hythloday's answer More takes, with a witty indirectness, his measure of the court of Henry VIII., and of the state of England.

You be twyse deceaued maister More (quod he) fyrste in me, and agayne in the thinge it selfe. For neither is in me the habilitye that you force vpon me, and yf it wer neuer so much, yet in disquieting myne owne quietnes I should nothing further the weale publique. For first of all, the moste parte of all princes haue more delyte in warlike matters, and feates of chiualrie (ye knowlege wherof I neither haue nor desire) than in the good fcates of peace and employe muche more study, how by right or by wrong to enlarge their dominions, than howe wel, and peaceablie to rule, and gouerne that they haue alredie. Moreouer, they that be counsellours to kinges, euery one of them eyther is of him selfe so wise in dede, that he nedeth not, or elles he thinketh himself so wise, that he wil not allowe an other mans counsel, sauing that they do shamefully, and flatteringly geue assent to the fond and folishe sayinges of certeyn great men. Whose fauours, bicause they be in high authoritie with their prince, by assentation and flatterie they labour to obteyne. And verily it is naturally geuen to all men to esteme their owne inuentions best. So both the Rauen and the Ape thincke their owne yonge ones fairest. Than if a man in such a company, where some disdayne and haue despite at other mens inuentions, and some counte their owne best, if among suche menne (I say) a man should bringe furth any thinge, that he hath redde done in tymes pasta, or that he hath sene done in other places there the hearers, fare as though the whole existimation of their wisdome were in ieoperdye to be ouerthrowen, and that euer after thei shoulde be counted for verye diserdes, vnles they could in other mens inuentions pycke out matter to reprehend, and find fault at. If all other poore helpes fayle: then this is their extreame refuge. These thinges (say they) pleased our forefathers and auncestours: wolde God we coulde be so wise as thei were: and as though thei had wittely concluded the matter, and with this answere stopped euery mans mouth, thei sitte downe againe. As who should sai, it were a very daungerous matter, if a man in any

1 Diserdes, dizzards, or dotards. Fi.st-English "dysig," foolish; "dwa's," dull.

pointe should be founde wiser, then his forefathers were. And yet bee we content to suffre the best and wittiest of their decrees to lye vnexecuted: but if in any thing a better ordre might haue ben taken, then by them was, there we take fast hold, findyng therin many faultes. Manye tymes haue I chaunced vpon such proude, leude, ouerthwarte,2 and waywarde iudgementes, yea, and once in England:

I prai you Syr (quod I) haue you ben in our countrey? Yea forsoth (quod he) and there I taried for the space of. iiii. or. v. monethes together, not longe after the insurrection, yat the Westerne English men made agaynst their Kyng, which by their owne miserable and pitiful slaughter was suppressed and ended. In the meane season I was muche bounde and beholdynge to the righte reuerende father, Ihon Morton, Archebishop and Cardinal of Canterbury, and at that time also lorde Chauncelloure of Englande: a man Mayster Peter (for Mayster More knoweth already that I wyll saye) not more honorable for his authoritie, then for his prudence and vertue. He was of a meane stature, and though stricken in age, yet bare he his bodye vpright. In his face did shine such an amiable reuerence, as was pleasaunte to beholde, Gentill in communication, yet earnest, and sage. He had great delite manye times with roughe speache to his sewters, to proue, but withoute harme, what prompte witte, and what bolde spirite were in euery man. In the which as in a vertue much agreinge with his nature, so that therewith were not ioyned impudency, he toke greate delectatyon. And the same person, as apte and mete to haue an administratyon in the weale publique, he dyd louingly embrace. In his speche he was fyne, eloquent, and pytthye. In the lawe he had profounde knowledge, in witte he was incomparable, and in memory wonderful excellente. These qualityes, which in hym were by nature singular, he by learnynge and vse had made perfecte. The Kynge put muche truste in his counsel, the weale publyque also in a maner leaned vnto hym, when I was there. For euen in the chiefe of his youth he was taken from schole into the Courte, and there passed all his tyme in much trouble and busines, beyng continually tumbled and tossed in the waues of dyuers mysfortunes and aduersities. And so by many and greate daungers he lerned the experience of the worlde, whiche so beinge learned can not easely be forgotten. It chaunced on a certayne daye, when I sate at his table, there was also a certayne laye man cunnynge in the lawes of youre Realme. Who, I can not tell wherof takynge occasion, began diligently and earnestly to prayse that strayte and rygorous iustice, which at that tyme was there executed vpon fellones, who as he sayde, were for the most parte. xx. And, seyng so fewe hanged together vpon one gallowes.5 escaped punyshement, he sayde he coulde not chuse, but

2 Leud, unlearned; overthwart, perverse. oblique, cross, perverse.

First-English "thweor,"

3 The insurrection of Cornish men in 1497 against taxation by Henry VII-a revolt ended on " Blackheath field."

In 1497 John Morton had been for eleven years Archbishop of Cauterbury, four years a cardinal, and was eighty-seven years old. He had been Bishop of Ely in the time of Richard III., and died in 1500 at the age of ninety. Thomas More as a youth had been in Morton's household, and was sent by him to study at Oxford in 1492. 5 Many years later Sir Edward Coke wrote in Part III. of his "Institutes of the Laws of England: "-"What a lamentable case it is to see so many Christian men and women strangled on that cursed tree of the gallows, insomuch as if, in a large field, a man might see together all the Christians that but in one year in England come to that untimely and ignominious death, if there were any spark of grace or charity in him, it would make his heart to bleed for pity and compassion." Still later, in the middle of the eighteenth century, Blackstone wrote:-"It is a melancholy truth, that among the variety of actions which men are daily liable to commit, no less than 160 have been declared by Act of Parliament to be felonies without benefit of clergy, or, in other words, to be worthy of instant death."

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greatly wonder and maruel, howe and by what euil lucke it shold so come to passe, that theues neuertheles were in euery place so ryffe and so rancke. Naye Syr quod I (for I durst boldely speake my mind before the Cardinal) maruel nothinge here at for this punyshment of theues passeth the limites of Iustice, and is also very hurtefull to the weale publique. For it is to extreame and cruel a punishment for thefte, and yet not sufficient to refrayne and withhold men from thefte. For simple thefte is not so great an offense, that it owght to be punished with death. Neither ther is any punishment so horrible, that it can kepe them from stealynge, which haue no other craft, wherby to get their liuing. Therfore in this poynte, not you onlye, but also the most part of the world, be like euyll scholemaisters, which be readyer to beate, then to teache, their scholers. For great and horrible punishmentes be appointed fortheues, whereas much rather prouision should haue ben made, that there were some meanes, whereby they myght get their liuyng, so that no man shoulde be dryuen to this extreme necessitie, firste to steale, and then to dye. Yes (quod he) this matter is wel ynough prouided for already. There be handy craftes, there is husbandrye to gette their liuynge by, if they would not willingly be nought. Nay, quod I, you shall not skape so: for first of all, I wyll speake nothynge of them, that come home oute of the warres, maymed and lame, as not longe a go, oute of Blacke heath fielde, and a litell before that, out of the warres in Fraunce:1 suche, I saye, as put their liues in ieoperdye for the weale publiques or the kynges sake, and by reason of weakenesse and lamenesse be not hable to occupye their olde craftes, and be to aged to lerne new of them I wyll speake nothing, forasmuch as warres haue their ordinarie recourse. But let vs considre those thinges that chaunce daily before our eyes. First there is a great numbre of gentlemen, which can not be content to liue idle themselfes, lyke dorres, of that whiche other haue laboured for: their tenauntes I meane, whom they polle and shaue to the quicke, by reisyng their rentes (for this onlye poynte of frugalitie do they vse, men els through their lauasse and prodigall spendynge, hable to brynge theymselfes to verye beggerye), these gentlemen, I say, do not only liue in idlenesse themselfes, but also carrye about with them at their tailes a great flocke or traine of idle and loyterynge seruyngmen, which neuer learned any craft wherby to gette their liuynges. These men as sone as their mayster is dead, or be sicke themselfes, be incontinent thrust out of dores. For gentlemen hadde rather keepe idle persones, then sicke men, and many times the dead mans heyre is not hable to mainteine so great a house, and kepe so many seruing men as his father dyd. Then in the meane season they that be thus destitute of service, either starue for honger, or manfullye playe the theues. For what would you haue them to do? When they haue wandred abrode so longe, vntyl they haue worne threde bare their apparell, and also appaired their helth, then gentlemen because of their pale and sickely faces, and patched cotes, wil not take them into seruice. And husbandmen dare not set them a worke Knowynge wel ynoughe that he is nothing mete to doe trewe and faythful seruice to a poore man wyth a spade and a mattoke for small wages and hard fare, whyche beynge deyntely and tenderly pampered vp in ydilnes and pleasure, was wont with a sworde and a buckler by hys syde to iette

1 Wars in France. Henry VII.'s expeditiou of 1492, closed by the Peace of Et ples.

2 Dorres, dors, sleepy or idle persons. Icelandic "dúrr," a sleep; "dár," benumbed; "dári" (German "thor"), a fool.

3 Lavasse, lavish. French "lavasse," an inundation.

* Jette, strut, fling the body about. French "jeter," Latin "jactare." Palsgrave's Dictionary has-"I iette, I make a countenance

through the strete with a bragginge loke, and to thynke hym selfe to good to be anye mans mate. Naye by saynt Mary sir (quod the lawier) not so. For this kinde of men muste we make moste of. For in them as men of stowter stomackes, bolder spirites, and manlyer courages then handycraftes men and plowemen be, doth consiste the whole powre, strength, and puissaunce of oure army, when we muste fight in battayle. Forsothe sir as well you myghte saye (quod I) that for warres sake you muste cheryshe theues. For suerly you shall neuer lacke theues, whyles you haue them. No nor theues be not the most false and faynt harted soldiers, nor souldiours be not the cowardleste theues: so wel thees. ii. craftes agree together. But this faulte, though it be much vsed amonge you, yet is it not peculiar to you only, but commen also almoste to all nations. Yet Fraunce besides this is troubled and infected with a much sorer plage. The whole royalme is fylled and besieged with hiered souldiours in peace tyme (yf that bee peace) whyche be brought in vnder the same colour and pretense, that hath persuaded you to kepe these ydell seruynge men. For thies wysefooles and verye archedoltes thought the wealthe of the whole countrey herin to consist, if there were euer in a redinesse a stronge and sure garrison, specially of old practised souldiours, for they put no trust at all in men vnexercised. And therfore they must be forced to seke for warre, to the ende thei may euer haue practised souldiours, and cunnyng mansleiers, lest that (as it is pretely sayde of Salust) their handes and their mindes through idlenes or lacke of exercise, should waxe dul. But howe pernitious and pestilent a thyng it is to maintayne suche beastes, the Frenche men, by their owne harmes haue learned, and the examples of the Romaynes, Carthaginiens, Syriens, and of manye other countreyes doo manifestly declare. For not onlye the Empire, but also the fieldes and Cities of all these, by diuers occasions haue been ouerrunned and destroyed of their owne armies before hande had in a redinesse. Now how vnnecessary a thinge this is, hereby it maye appeare: that the Frenche souldiours, which from their youth haue ben practised and inured in feates of armes, do not cracke nor aduaunce themselfes to haue very often gotte the vpper hand and maistry of your new made and vnpractised souldiours. But in this poynte I wyll not vse many woordes, leste perchaunce I maye seeme to flatter you. No nor those same handy crafte men of yours in Cities, nor yet the rude and vplandish plowmen of the countreye, are not supposed to be greatly affrayde of your gentlemens idle seruyngmen, vnlesse it be suche as be not of body or stature correspondent to their strength and courage, or els whose bolde stomakes be discouraged throughe pouertie. Thus you may see, that it is not to be feared lest they shoulde be effeminated, if thei were brought vp in good craftes and laboursome woorkes, whereby to gette their liuynges, whose stoute and sturdye bodyes (for gentlemen vouchsafe to corrupte and spill none but picked and chosen men, now either by reason of rest and idlenesse be brought to weakenesse: or els by easy and womanly exercises be made feble, and vnhable to endure hardnesse. Truly howe so euer the case standeth, thys me thinketh is

with my legges, ie me iamboye; I iette with facyon and countenance to sette forthe myselfe, ie braggue."

5 The first standing army was established in France to resist the attacks made by the English. Charles VII, published an ordinance for establishing a permanent military force for defence of the kingdom, which was ratified by the States General convoked at Orleans in October, 1439. The plan was carried out in 1445, and eight years afterwards the English were expelled from France. But the new machine was costly, and must not be allowed to rust. It must pay for its keep by conquest, or be maintained by heavy taxation. It was employed by Charles VIII. :n Italian wars, prompted by a hope of gain.

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