be of a contrarye opinion. That is, that no man ought to be counted an enemye, whiche hath done no iniurye. And that the felowshippe of nature is a stronge league: and that men be better and more surely knit togethers by loue and beneuolence, then by couenauntes of leagues: by hartie affection of minde, then by wordes.

War or battle the Utopians detest as a thing very beastly, and yet to no kind of beasts in so much use as to man. They count nothing so much against glory, as glory gotten in war. Therefore, although they study war, it is for self-defence, or for aid of other nations against invasion or tyranny. They are ashamed if in war they have overcome with much bloodshed and glory in a triumph won by little bloodshed, and by much expenditure of wit. They hire mercenaries, especially from a fierce people, the Zapoletes,' to do much of the fighting for them; next to these they use the soldiers of those for whom they fight, and then their other friends, and last of all their own citizens, whose skill and courage they support, and whose lives they cherish. Husband, wife, and son may go into battle side by side to help one another, in which case it is a great reproach for the husband to come home without the wife, the wife without the husband, or the son without the father. Thus while they use all shifts to keep themselves from fighting, when they do fight it is not with a sudden rush, but growing stubbornness, and they will rather die than yield an inch. battle they seek always to strike down their adversary's captain, and so bring the contest to the quickest end. They do not waste their enemies' land. They defend and protect cities yielded to them, and do not sack or spoil those taken by assault. They keep truces firmly. War over, they give all spoil to their allies, and lay all charges of war on the conquered.

In

The next and last section of More's book treats of the Religions in Utopia. The Utopians were the more ready to receive Christianity when they found that Christ instituted among his disciples all things in common. When a hot convert attacked all other forms of faith he was exiled as a seditious person. Here follows the passage upon religious toleration which has already been quoted in the volume of this Library containing illustrations of English Religion.2 Utopus banished those who were intolerant of other men's opinions. For, More continues,

This suerly he thought a very vnmete and folish thing, and a point of arrogant presumption, to compell all other by violence and threateninges to agre to the same, that thou beleuest to be trew. Furthermore thoughe there be one religion, whiche alone is trew, and al other vaine and superstitious, yet did he wel foresee (so that the matter were handeled with reason, and sober modestie) that the trueth of the own powre would at the last issue out and come to lyghte. But if contention and debate in that behalf should continuallye be vsed, as the woorste men be mooste obstinate and stubbourne, and in their euyll opinion mooste constante. he perceaued that then the beste and holyest religion woulde

1 Zapoletes seems to be a word invented by More.

2 Page 146, where the translation quoted from is that by Gilbert Burret. I give here only the context of the passage.

be troden vnderfote and destroyed by most vaine supersticions, euen as good corne is by thornes and weedes ouergrowen and chooked. Therfore all this matter he lefte vndiscussed, and gaue to euerye man free libertie and choise to beleu what he woulde. Sauinge that he earnestelye and straitelye charged them, that no man should conceaue so vile and baase an opinion of the dignitie of mans nature, as to think that the soules do die and perishe with the bodye: or that the world runneth at al auentures gouerned by no diuine prouidence. And therfore thei beleue that after this life vices be extreamelye punished and vertues bountifully rewarded. Hym that is of a contrary opinion they counte not in the numbre of men, as one that hathe aualed the heighe nature of hys soule to the vielnes of brute beastes bodies: muche lesse in the numbre of their citiziens, whose lawes and ordenaunces, if it were not for feare, he wold nothing at al esteeme. For you maye be suer that he will studie either with craft priuely to mocke, or els violently to breake the commen lawes of his countrey, in whom remaineth no further feare then of the lawes, nor no further hope then of the bodye. Wherfore he that is thus minded is depriued of all honours, excluded from all common administrations in the weale publique. And thus he is of all sortes despised, as of an vnprofitable, and of a base and vile nature. Howbeit they put him to no punishment, because they be persuaded, that it is in no mans power to beleue what he list. No nor they constraine hym not with threatninges to dissemble his minde, and shew countenaunce contrarie to his thought. For deceit and falshod and all maners of lies, as nexte vnto fraude, they do maruelouslie deteste and abhorre. But they suffer him not to dispute in his opinion, and that onelye amonge the commen people. For els aparte amonge the priestes and men of grauitie they do not onelye suffer, but also exhorte him to dispute and argue: hoping that at the last, that madnes will geue place to reason.

The priests in Utopia are very holy, and therefore very few, but thirteen in every city. Women are not excluded from this order, howbeit few be chosen, and none but widows and old women. Some of the priests are sent out with the armies in time of war; they pray during the fight, first for peace, next for victory to their own side, but to neither side a bloody victory, and when they see their party gaining the upper hand they run into the main battle and restrain their own men from slaying and cruelly pursuing their vanquished enemies.

Their churches be verye gorgious, and not onelye of fine and curious workemanship, but also (which in the fewenes of them was necessary) very wide and large, and hable to receaue a great company of people. But they be al sumwhat darke. Howbeit that was not donne through ignoraunce in buildinge, but as they say, by the counsel of the priestes. Bicause they thought that ouer much light doth disperse mens cogitations, whereas in dimme and doubtful lighte they be gathered together, and more earnestly fixed vpon religion and deuotion: which bicause it is not there of one sort among all men, and yet all the kindes and fassions of it, thoughe they be sondry and manifold, agre together in the honour of the diuine nature, as goyng diuers wayes to one ende: therefore nothing is sene nor heard in ye churches, but that semeth to agre indefferently with them all. If there be a distinct kind of sacrifice peculiar to anye seueral secte, that they execute at home in their owne houses. The common sacrifices be so ordered, that they be no derogation nor pre

iudice to anye of the priuate sacrifices and religions. Therefore no ymage of annye god is seene in the churche, to the intente it may bee free for euery man to conceiue god by their religion after what likenes and similitude they will. They call vpon no peculiar name of god, but only Mithra.' In the which word they all agree together in one nature of the diuine maiesti whatsoener it be. No prayers bee vsed but suche as euerye man maye boldelie pronounce withoute the offendinge of anny secte. They come therefore to the churche the laste day of euerye moneth and yeare in the euenynge yet fastinge, there to gyue thankes to GOD for that they haue prosperouslye passed ouer the yeare or monethe, wherof that hollye daye is the laste daye. The nexte daye they come to the church earlye in the mornyng, to praye to GOD that they may haue good fortune and successe all the newe yeare or monethe whych they doo begynne of that same hollye daye. But in the holly dayes that be the laste dayes of the monethes and yeares, before they come to the churche, the wiues fall downe prostrat before theire husbandes feet at home, and the children before the feete of their parentes, confessinge and acknowleginge themselfes offenders either by some actuall dede, or by omission of their deuty, and desire pardon for their offense. Thus yf anye cloude of priuy displeasure was risen at home, by this satisfaction it is ouerblowen, that they may be presente at the sacrifices with pure and charitable mindes. For they be aferd to come there with troubled consciences. Therefore if they knowe themselfes to beare anye hatred or grudge towardes anye man, they presume not to come to ye sacrifices, before they haue reconciled themselfes and purged theire consciences, for feare of greate vengeaunce and punyshemente for their offense.

After telling, in like spirit, of their ceremonies, their church music, and their progress, Raphael Hythloday sums up his account of the Utopians with a short comment, and so the afternoon's talk ends with the going in to supper. A letter from Peter Giles to Jerome Buslyde,2 added to “ Utopia," contains a parting joke in a specimen of the Utopian alphabet and language. Says Peter Giles,

I promise you, I can skante beleue that Raphael himselfe by al that fiue yeres space that he was in Utopia abiding, saw there somuch, as here in Master Mores description is to be sene and perceaued. Whiche description with so manye wonders, and miraculous thinges is replenished, that I stande in great doubt wherat first and chieflie to muse or marueile: whether at the excellencie of his perfect and suer memorie, which could welniegh worde by woorde rehearse so manye thinges once onely heard: or elles at his singular prudence, who so well and wittyly marked and bare away al the originall causes and fountaynes (to the vulgare people commenly most vnknowen) wherof both yssueth and springeth the mortall confusion and vtter decaye of a commen wealth, and also the auauncement and wealthy state of the same may riese and growe: or elles at the efficacie and pitthe of his woordes, which in so fine a latin stile, with suche force of eloquence hath couched together and comprised so many and diuers matters, speciallie beinge a man continuallie encombred with so manye busye and troublesome cares, both publique, and priuate, as he is. Howbeit all these thinges cause you

1 Mithras was the Persian divine name for the Sun, and More had said that the language of the Utopians resembled Persian,

2 Jerome Buslyde. Busleiden-Latinized, Hieronymus Buslidius, or Buslidianus-founded the Trilingual College at Louvain for teaching Hebrew, Greek, and Latin. He died at Bourdeaux in August, 1517.

litle to maruell (righte honourable Buslid) for that you are familiarly and thoroughly acquainted with the notable, yea almost diuine witte of the man. But nowe to procede to other matters, I suerly know nothing nedeful or requisite to be adioyned vnto his writinges: Onely a meter of. iiij. verses written in the Utopian tongue, whiche after Master Mores departure Hythloday by chaunce shewed me, that haue I caused to be added thereto, with the Alphabete of the same nation, and haue also garnished the margent of the boke with certen notes. For, as touchinge the situation of the ylande, that is to saye, in what parte of the worlde Utopia standeth, the ignoraunce and lacke whereof not a litle troubleth and greueth Master More, in dede Raphael left not that vnspoken of. Howbeit with verie fewe wordes he lightly touched it, incidentlye by ye way passing it ouer, as meanyng of likelihod to kepe and reserue that to an other place. And the same, I wot not how, by a certen euell and vnluckie chaunce escaped vs bothe. For when Raphael was speaking therof, one of Master Mores seruauntes came to him, and whispered in his eare. Wherefore I beyng then of purpose more earnestly addict to heare, one of the company, by reason of cold taken, I thinke, a shippeborde, coughed out so loude, that he toke from my hearinge certen of his wordes. But I wil neuer stynte, nor rest, vntil I haue gotte the full and exacte knowledge hereof: insomuche that I will be hable perfectly to instructe you, not onely in the longitude or true meridian of the ylande, but also in the iust latitude therof, that is to say, in the subleuation or height of the pole in that region, if our frende Hythloday be in safetie, and aliue. For we heare very vncerten newes of him. Some reporte, that he died in his iorney homewarde. Some agayne affirme, that he retorned into his countrey, but partly, for that he coulde not away with the fashions of his countrey folk, and partly for that his minde and affection was altogether set and fixed vpon Utopia, they say that he hathe taken his voyage thetherwarde agayne.

(From More's &c.

INITIAL. "De Statu," 1518.

ARE for the well-being of the Commonwealth is the first characteristic of the writings of More's contemporary, Sir Thomas Elyot. He was the son of a judge, and had an estate in Cambridgeshire. King Henry VIII. knighted him, and employed him in Optimo Reipublicæ the public service, as ambassador, and he was sent to Rome to treat of the king's divorce in the after year the publication of his book called the "Governor." He is sometimes wrongly said to have been a physician. That error arises from his having written a medical book called "The Castle of Health." "The Castle of Health" was an English book of sanitary counsels and a little system of what would now be called "domestic medicine," compiled out of the Greek and Latin books of the doctors by an unprofessional man for unprofessional men with due apology to the profession. Elyot's interest in the Th. Eliott Knight.

SIR THOMAS ELYOT. From the Portrait by Holbein.

public health was shown by this book, and he showed his interest in education by translating from the Greek Plutarch's treatise on Education. He produced also a book "Of the Knowledge which maketh a Wise Man," also the first Latin and English Dictionary published in England, and in 1545, the year before his death, "A Defence or Apology of Good Women."

Sir Thomas Elyot's "Boke, named the Governour," was first published in 1531. Its style has been illustrated in another volume of this Library by the

1

complete story of Titus and Gisippus which was taken from one of its chapters. In the first sentence of its "Proheme" to Henry VIII., Elyot joins "my duty that I owe to my natural country" to his duty to his king, and in his second sentence he says that he feels bound to use the "one little talent" delivered to him, by making his study helpful to others. Almost from childhood he had been employed in the king's business of furthering the public welfare, and he had been thus led to strengthen his experience by sayings of ancient authors. He now writes his book, he says, "not of presumption to teach any person, I myself having most need of teaching; but only to the intent that men who will be studious about the weal public may find the thing thereto expedient compendiously written." He calls his book "the Governour" because it "treateth of the education of them that hereafter may be deemed worthy to be governors of the public weal under your highness." Elyot's "Governour" is divided into three sections or books.

The First Book starts from Elyot's definition of a Public Weal, as "a body living compact or made of sundry estates and degrees of men, which is disposed by the order of equity, and governed by the rule and moderation of reason." To its well-being order is essential, and order cannot be without a single Head, inferior governors or magistrates being appointed by the sovereign governor

Also Reason and common Experience plainly declare, that where the dominion is large and populous, there it is convenient, that a Prince have many inferior governors, which be named of Aristotle his eyes, ears, hands, and legs; which if they be of the best sort (as he furthermore sayeth) it seemeth impossible, a country not to be governed by good laws. And except excellent virtue and learning do enable a man of the base estate of the commonalty to be thought of all men worthy to be so much advanced, else such Governors would be chosen out of that estate of men which be called worshipful, if among them may be founden a sufficient number ornate with virtue and wisdom meet for such purpose, and that for sundry causes.

First, it is of good congruence that the superiors in condition or behaviour should have also pre-eminence in administration, if they be not inferior to other in virtue.

Also they having of their own revenues certain, whereby they have competent substance to live without taking rewards; it is likely that they will not be so desirous of lucre, whereof may be engendered corruption, as they which have very little or nothing so certain.

Moreover where virtue is in a gentleman, it is commonly mixed with more sufferance, more affability and mildness, than for the more part it is in a person rural or of a very base lineage, and when it happeneth otherwise, it is to be accounted loathsome and monstrous.

Furthermore, where the person is worshipful, his governance though it be sharp, is to the people more tolerable, and they therewith the less grudge or be disobedient.

Also such men having substance in goods by certain and stable possessions, which they may apportionate to their own living and bringing up of their children in learning and virtues, may (if nature repugn1 not) cause them to be so instructed and furnished toward the administration of a public weal, that a poor man's son, only by his natural wit without other help, never or seldom may attain to the like. Toward the which instruction I have prepared this work.

Sir Thomas Elyot then proceeds to set forth his view of the right training of a gentleman, beginning with the choice of a nurse to suckle him, and of a "governess, or dry nurse, another woman of approved virtue, discretion, and gravity, who shall not suffer in the child's presence to be showed any act or tache dishonest, or any wanton or unclean word to be spoken. And for that cause all men, except physicians only, should be excluded and kept out of the nursery." There is to be like care in the choice of childish companions and playfellows. Then follows "the order of learning that a nobleman should be trained in before he come to the age of seven years." Elyot rather approves of the doctrine of those Greeks and Latins, who said that before the age of seven years a child should not be instructed in letters; but then, he says, those were Greeks and Latins "among whom all doctrine and sciences were in their maternal tongues, by reason whereof they saved all that long time which at this day is spent in understanding perfectly the Greek or Latin.” Wherefore "the infelicity of our time and country compelleth us to encroach somewhat upon the years of children, and especially of noble men, that they may sooner attain to wisdom and gravity than private persons." Sir Thomas would not have any children "enforced by violence to learn; but, according to Quintilian, to be sweetly allured thereto with praises and such pretty gifts as children delight in. And their first letters to be painted or limned in pleasant manner, wherein children of gentle courage have much delectation." He would have the learning of Latin begun in familiar speech by teaching children first to know the Latin names of things about them, and to ask for what they want in Latin as well as English. The reason for this early use of Latin was the necessity of learning early what was then the common language of the educated throughout Europe, in which nearly all books of higher instruction were written. 66 'And," said Elyot, "it is no reproach to a nobleman to instruct his own children, or, at the least ways, to examine them by the way of dalliance and solace. . . . . And why should not noblemen rather so do than teach their children how at dice and cards they may cunningly lose and consume their own treasure and substance?" The next caution is that all who speak in presence of a child should speak correctly, even the nurses and women, if it be possible, speaking pure and elegant Latin, "or, at the least way, that they speak no

1 Repugn, fight against. If the nature of the child do not oppose endeavours at right training.

Tache (French), spot, blemish.

English but that which is clean, polite, perfectly and articularly pronounced, omitting no letter or syllable, as foolish women often do of a wantonness." At seven years old the boy should be withdrawn from company of women, saving that he may have for a year or two a grave, elderly matron attending on him in his chamber, which shall not have any young woman in her company. The tutor "should be an ancient and worshipful man, in whom is approved to be much gentleness mixed with gravity, and, as nigh as can be, such one as the child, by imitation following, may grow to be excellent. And if he be also learned, he is the more commendable." The office of the tutor is to know the nature of a pupil, and develop in him a courteous nature, with ready sympathies, a free and liberal heart, a knowledge of what honour is, what love. The discretion of a tutor consists in temperance, that he do not dull the tender wit by the fatigue of continual study. Elyot commends intermixture of musical training as a refreshment, the harmony of music is type of the harmony of right life and right government; but it is better for a nobleman to be without knowledge of music than to make it matter of inordinate delight leading to wantonness. If the child have an aptitude for painting or sculpture, it is good that he should be trained in it "in vacant times from other more serious learning." Such knowledge has been an ornament of kings, has served the purposes of captains, it quickens the sense of harmony in all things, "the wit thereto disposed will always covet congruent matter," and it gives to its possessor a livelier perception of what is read and heard.

After pleasant early training by a tutor in the grammar of his own language, the child needs a master "excellently learned both of Greek and Latin, and therewithal of sober and virtuous disposition, specially chaste of living, and of much affability and patience," the work of the teacher still being to encourage and develop the young wit, and not to dull it by cruelty and anger. The next argu

ment is of authors to be read. Greek should be begun early; and Latin, partly learnt by the way of household speech, should be used in teaching it. "After a few and quick rules of grammar, immediately, or interlacing it therewith, would be read to the child Æsop's fables in Greek, in which argument children much delight. . . . . The next lesson would be some quick and merry dialogues elect out of Lucian, which be without ribaldry or too much scorning. . . . . The comedies of Aristophanes may be in place of Lucian, and by reason they be in metre, they be the sooner learned by heart. I dare make none other comparison between them, for offending the friends of them both; but thus much dare I say, that it were better that a child should never read any part of Lucian than all Lucian. I could rehearse divers other poets which for matter and eloquence be very necessary, but I fear me to be too long from noble Homer, from whom, as from a fountain, proceedeth all eloquence and learning." While Greek is being studied, 66 some Latin author would be therewith mixed, and specially Virgil." After dwelling much on the praise of Homer and Virgil, Sir Thomas Elyot recommends next, as two

noble poets very expedient to be learned, Silius and Lucan, each setting forth the emulation of two valiant captains-the one of Scipio and Hannibal, the other of Cæsar and Pompey. With a word of Hesiod, and a few paragraphs in defence and praise of the poets, Sir Thomas presses on to logic and rhetoric, with praise, by the way, of "that little book made by the famous Erasmus (whom all gentle wits are bound to thank and support), which he calleth "Copiam Verborum et Rerum, that is to say, 'Plenty of Words and Matters.' He turns then to the studies of cosmography and history, and of moral philosophy, with praise, by the way, of Erasmus on the "Institution of a Prince." "And here," says Sir Thomas Elyot, "I make an end of the learning and study whereby noblemen may attain to be worthy to have authority in a public weal."

Alway I shall exhort Tutors and Governors of noble children, that they suffer them not to use ingurgitations of meat or drink, neither to sleep much, that is to say, above eight hours at the most. For undoubtedly both repletion

and superfluous sleep be capital enemies to study, as they be semblably to health of body and soul.

Aulus Gellius saith, that children if they use to eat and sleep over much be made therewith dull to learn. And we sce that thereof slowness is taken, and the children's personages do wax uncomely, and grow less in stature. Galen will not permit that pure wine without allay of water should in any wise be given to children, forasmuch as it humecteth the body, or maketh it moister and hotter than is convenient; also it filleth the head with fume, in them specially which be like, as children of hot and moist temperature. These be well nigh the words of the noble Galen.

A lord

Sir Thomas Elyot proceeds next to consider the causes of the decay of learning among gentlemen, and finds them in the pride, avarice, and negligence of parents, and the lack or fewness of sufficient masters or teachers. Pride looks upon learning as a notable reproach to a great gentleman, and hunting and hawking as more proper to their dignity. Avarice grudges the cost of a good teacher. asks touching a schoolmaster only his price, where of a cook or a falconer he would minutely inquire into the qualification. Negligence is in them who take pride in the early progress of a son, and when he is fourteen years old, and ready to pass on to more serious learning, suffer him then to live in idleness, or by putting him to service, banish him from all vertuous study, and from exercise of that which he before learned. Sir Thomas Elyot then reasons of the importance of continuing the studies of a youth after the age of fourteen, and shows how the statesman or the lawyer builds his power upon a well-cultivated intellect, and the skill in rhetoric which only a trained mind can give. Having lamented next the fewness of good schoolmasters as a chief impeachment of excellent learning, he turns to the sundry forms of exercise necessary for every gentleman. Here he commends wrestling, running, insists much on the "excellent commodity that is in the feat of swimming," discusses riding, and vaulting horses. He has regard for hunting only when it is a manly sport, in which men are

not mere followers of dogs, but themselves hunters of noble game with javelin and other weapons, in manner of war.

Hunting of the hare with greyhounds is a right good solace for men that be studious or them to whom nature hath not given personage or courage apt for the wars. And also for gentlewomen which fear neither sun nor wind for appairing their beauty. And peradventure they shall be thereat less idle than they should be at home in their chambers.

Killing of deer with bows or greyhounds, serveth well for the pot (as is the common saying) and therefore it must of necessity be sometime used. But it containeth therein no commendable solace or exercise, in comparison to the other form of hunting, if it be diligently perceived.

Though hawking does not seem to have been used of ancient time by noble princes,

In what wise or wheresoever the beginning of hawking was, surely it is a right delectable solace, though thereof cometh, not so great utility (concerning exercise) as there doth of hunting. But I would our Falcons might be satisfied with the division of their prey, as the Falcons of Thracia were, that they needed not to devour the Hens of this realm in such number, that unless it be shortly considered, and that Falcons be brought to a more homely diet, it is right likely that within a short space of years our familiar poultry shall be as scarce as be now partridge and pheasant. I speak not this in dispraise of the falcons but of them which keepeth them like cockneys.

Sir Thomas Elyot next gives seven chapters to dancing, an accomplishment in high favour at Henry VIII.'s court, and works out in much detail a relation between the figures of dancing and the first moral virtue called Prudence. In closing the First Book of the " Governour," with reference to other exercise useful as preventives of Idleness, he condemns dice-playing as the most plain figure of Idleness and the allective by which Lucifer brings men into his servitude. Playing at cards and tables is, he says, more tolerable, but of all games wherein there is no bodily exercise, chess is, he says, most to be commended. Sir Thomas ends his First Book in the spirit of a courtly patriot of Henry VIII's time by commending shooting with the long bow as the chief of exercises. Tennis, seldom used and for a little space, is a good exercise for young men. In football "is nothing but beastly fury and extreme violence, whereof proceedeth hurt, and consequently rancour and malice do remain with them that be wounded, whereof it is to be put in perpetual silence." After his praise of shooting with the bow, Sir Thomas adds, "hereat I conclude to write of exercises which appertaineth as well to princes and noblemen as to all other, by their example, which determine to pass forth their lives in virtue and honesty. And hereafter, with the assistance of God, unto whom I render this mine account for the talent that I have of him received, purpose to write of the principal and (as I might

I

1 Appairing, spoiling, impairing.