acter without the authority of the imperial government. If, without such authority, he accepts a foreign naturalization, it is treated as of no effect, and he is still considered and dealt with as in all respects an Ottoman subject. Every person who obtains naturalization abroad, or enters a foreign military service, without the permission of the Emperor, may be declared to have forfeited his character of Ottoman subject, and in that case is altogether interdicted from returning to the Ottoman Empire. The children, even minors, of an Ottoman subject naturalized abroad do not follow the condition of the father, but remain Ottoman subjects. (Law of January 19, 1869; see dispatch of Mr. Morris, No. 299, February 10, 1869.)

A naturalized citizen desiring a passport may address State Department, Passport Bureau, Washington, D. C., transmitting his certificate of naturalization, (it will be returned with the passport.) and he must state, under oath, that he is the identical person described in the certificate presented.

The application should be accompanied by a description of the person, stating the following particulars, viz:

Age, forehead,

years; stature,

feet inches, (English measure ;) ; eyes, -; nose, ; mouth, -; chin, -; hair,

-; complexion, ; face,

When husband, wife, and minor children expect to travel together, a single passport for the whole will suffice. For any other person in the party a separate passport will be required. Passports are now issued without charge.

The oath of allegiance to the United States, as prescribed by law, will be required in all cases. It may be taken before a notary public under his signature and official seal. When there is no notary in the place, the affidavit may be made before a justice of the peace, or other officer authorized to administer oaths.

Circular No. 11.

HAMILTON FISH.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Washington, June 16, 1871.

GENTLEMEN: His Excellency, the President of the Swiss Confederation, has expressed to this Department, through the minister of the United States accredited to that government, a wish that you would severally extend your protection to Swiss citizens who may desire it and who may be sojourning at places where there are no diplomatic or consular representatives of that republic.

This Government has, on more than one occasion, upon the request of friendly powers, given to its diplomatic and consular representatives permission to take upon themselves, with the consent of the government within whose jurisdiction they reside, the function of representing those powers at places where the latter had no such officers. It has understood this to amount simply to the granting of the services of our agents, with their own consent, to meet what has ordinarily been a fortuitous and temporary exigency of the friendly government. When this function is accepted, the diplomatic or consular officer becomes the agent of the foreign government as to the duties he may perform for its citizens or subjects; he becomes responsible to it for his discharge of those

duties; and that government is alone responsible for his acts in relation thereto.

With this understanding of the obligations, you are authorized, with the consent of the authorities of the country or place where you officially reside, to extend such protection to Swiss citizens whenever it may be required or needed. It is expected, however, that, in complying with this authority, you will exercise due discretion, and will be careful not to give just cause of offense in any quarter.

I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant,

The DIPLOMATIC AND CONSULAR OFFICERS

HAMILTON FISH.

of the United States.

No. 346.]

AUSTRIA.

No. 1.

Mr. Jay to Mr. Davis.

[Extract.]

UNITED STATES LEGATION,

Vienna, September 6, 1871. (Received September 26.)

*

SIR: The policy of Prussia toward Rome had been changed, he said, within the last six weeks. The change was due to Prince Bismarck. It was now decided to resist strongly the Ultramontane party, and they had accordingly secured for Bavaria, in place of Count Bray, a minister who sided with Dr. Döllinger. Of what the future of the protesting movement might be, he had not been able to form an opinion. It required great faith and earnestness to secede from an established church and form a new sect, and he was inclined to doubt whether, of such faith, the supply in these times was over-abundant. He intimated that the success of the Austrian policy of Count Hohenwart would be a misfortune, not alone in its influence on the Roman question, but in its bearings upon the Germans of Austria. On both of these questions Count Benst's position was approved by the German government. I may here remark that the importance of the pending election seems to be acknowledged alike by the German centralists, who hold sacredly to the existing constitution as involving their supremacy, although in a minority, and by the disaffected nationalities whom President Hohenwart is endeavoring to unite, with the view of amending the constitution in a constitutional way; with the view of combining an extension of provincial legislative autonomy with an increased centralization of national power in a Reichsrath where all shall be equally represented.

Hitherto the immovable resolution of the Czechs and the disaffection of the Poles have defeated all efforts at success in this direction; but Count Hohenwart has had the assistance in this cabinet of Messrs. Jirecek and Habietinek, as representatives of Bohemia, and of Grocholski, on the part of Gallicia. Of seventeen provincial diets or landtags, eight have been dissolved by Count Hohenwart, the Emperor having the right

to dissolve any diet at his pleasure, and after these new diets have been chosen, the entire number will elect deputies to the new Reichsrath.

Should any landtag refuse or omit to elect deputies, the Emperor can order a direct election by the original election. The seeming skill, caution, and confidence with which Count Hohenwart has quietly developed this policy, has aroused the fears and temper of his opponents; and the supposed effects of a two-third majority able to amend the constitution upon the German supremacy in Austria, may explain the anxiety exhib ited by the Baron, when the subject was alluded to. It may also explain the desire of Count de Beust, as the foreign minister, to stand aloof from such a contest, and to aspire, as he said, to at least a temporary ignorance of the interior politics of the Austrian half of the empire.

The opposition to the Count of the Czecks and clericals, to which he alluded, may perhaps dispose him to regard without displeasure the strong desire on the part of Prussia that he should not be displaced from his post.

*

*

The general impression among the diplomats seems to be, that whatever may have been the propositions made to the Count de Beust, looking towards a closer alliance, the Prince Bismarck's diplomacy in this direction has not as yet been a success, whatever may be accomplished at Salzburg; and the Baron's remarks gave me the same impression, with an additional idea, that, while they had nothing to complain of as regards the Count's friendliness and courtesies, they were still in doubt, perhaps not unreasonably, of his devotion to Prussia and of what might be his foreign policy.

The relations of Austria and Russia are, as every one feels, not cordial; but then, as Count Beust cheerfully remarked some two months ago, "they are no worse than usual;" and Austria is so accustomed to external complications and internal muddles, that even if they chanced to be rather worse than usual, it would not necessarily cause a sensation. There appears, however, to be at this moment a general feverishness, a want of confidence, and an indefinite expectation of another great war, without knowing when or whence it will come. A rumor, whether true or false, that the Prince Gortschakoff was to meet Thiers in Switzerland, and another, that the Italian minister had been invited to Salzburg, have tended to increase the excitement. A belief obtains that France is burning for revenge and will seek to elude the payment of the balance of the indemnity; that Russia is arming with the greatest rapidity and on an immense scale; and I am told that the Russian people are awakening to the fact that the policy of Prince Gortschakoff in standing guard for Prussia, while France was being crushed and dismembered, was at once a crime and a blunder; that she now finds she has assisted to destroy her natural ally, and to convert into a giant her natural foe; that what she has gained in the Black Sea was gained in a manner that has impaired the moral prestige of her diplomacy, while it affords no sort of compensation; and that, in fact, Russia stands to-day towards Prussia as France stood towards the same power, when she saw, as the result of her intrigues, the defeat of Sadowa.

I have, &c.,

JOHN JAY.

No. 349.]

No. 2.

Mr. Jay to Mr. Fish.

[Extract.]

UNITED STATES LEGATION,

Vienna, September 10, 1871. (Received September 27.) SIR: In my No. 316, of September 6, * * * I quoted the remarks of a diplomat in regard to the marked change in the policy of Germany on the Romish question, which during the last few weeks had been inaugurated by the Prince Bismarck; and to the substitution, in consequence, of a new prime minister for Bavaria, of the Döllinger school, in place of the Count Bray, who has just returned to his post as the representative of Bavaria at this court. An official communication lately made by the Bavarian minister of public worship to the archbishop of Munich exhibits the cold character of this new policy against the clerical party, and throws light upon the views then expressed on the impor tance to Germany of a corresponding policy on the part of the Aus trian ministry, and the anxiety lest the clericals should secure a predominance in the then pending elections. The Bavarian government, in this document, assume, as did the Count de Beust in his correspondence on the Roman question, both before and after the adoption of the dogma of papal infallibility, that the dogma introduced a new doctrine into the church, at variance alike with the rights of sovereign governments and with the rights of Catholics; a doctrine which, if acquiesced in, would change entirely the olden relation between Church and State, and which would inevitably compel, on the part of AustroHungary, the repeal of the concordat. The Bavarian government, following the example set by Austria, upholds the principle that the archbishops and bishops are subject to the laws of the State, and that they have violated these laws in the publication of the dogma. The importance attributed to this document as throwing the whole force of the government of Bavaria, with the approval of the court of Berlin, against the papal party, and in favor of that headed by Dr. Döllinger, who have assumed the title of "Old Catholics,” as indicating their opposition to the new dogma, that I append a translation of its more essential passages as I find them in the German Correspondent" of Berlin of the 6th September. There are indications that the "Old Catholics" do not propose to act simply on the defensive, but that they are thinking seriously of attempting the inauguration of a series of reforms, which, if carried out by combined efforts in Austria, Germany, Switzerland, and Belgium, would result in a new reformation, and perhaps open the way for their qualified union with the Church of England. Among the reforms proposed and accepted at a meeting at Linz, again approved at Heidelberg, and which are to be presented for final approbation at a great meeting soon to be held at Munich, are the following: 1. Each community to have the right to choose its own priests. 2. Priests to be sufficiently paid by the community.

3. Compulsory celibacy must cease.

4. The chapters must be dissolved.

5. Masses and the service of the church to be spoken and read in the common language of the province.

6. No separate payments for masses, burials, or baptisms.

7. Inequalities between the burials of rich and poor must cease. 8. Auricular confession must cease.

9. Pilgrimages, processions, and begging missions must cease. 10. The worship of pictures, statues, and images must cease.

11. The relic swindle (religmin schwindel) must be discontinued aud be proceeded against by the State.

Should this programme be accomplished, by the assistance of the Prince Bismarck, it would go far to establish the parallel suggested by the German minister between that diplomat and Martin Luther. The result of the Austrian elections is announced in favor of the Hohenwart ministry, securing for that minister the necessary two-thirds in the new Reichsrath to accomplish the amendments of the constitution. This result has been obtained by an alliance between the clerical party and the Czechs, promoted, as it is freely charged by the German press, by the active influence of the government, through its officials and bureaux; and the dissatisfaction of the Austro-Germans is intense. It seems to me not improbable, that the completeness of Count Hohenwart's success may naturally incline him to a policy rather more conciliatory than has been expected, and that the last imperial conference at Salzburg may not be without its influence in deciding his course. To that conference the minister president was invited, as was also the Count Andrassy, neither of them having attended at Gastein.

One thing would seem quite clear, and that is, that the Prussian Emperor and his suite have returned to Berlin, fully persuaded that the Austrian court are prepared to forget that there ever was a battle of Sadowa, or a treaty of Prague, with secret conventions, making it a dead letter. The general impression is, that Russia has looked with jealousy upon the two conferences. The Russian minister, Mr. Novikoff, paid me a visit on the 7th instant, to thank me for a newspaper-slip I had sent him, announcing the preparations in New York for the recep tion of the Prince Alexis. He had returned to Vienna only the night before, after an absence of some weeks, and asked me whether there was much excitement in Vienna about the conferences. I said that there seemed to be much less anxiety on the subject than I had found on my return to Vienna a week before, and that the impression was gaining ground that, on the part of Austria, it was a matter of courtesy, and that Beust had not entered into any agreement. He said, not in writing.

*

I have, &c.,

*

JOHN JAY.

[Translation.]

Documents from the Minister of Worship in Bavaria against the dogma of infallibility. BERLIN, September 6, 1871. The intentions of the new Bavarian government, in their dealings with the partisans of the dogma of papal infallibility, are succinctly and perspicuously explained in the official communication lately made by the Bavarian minister of public worship to the archbishop of Munich. This document opens with some introductory observations, showing the complete unanimity which reigns among the different members of the government as to the demeanor imposed on the state by the most recent proceedings in the Catholic Church; after which it proceeds to reply to the complaints addressed by the archbishop to the King of Bavaria. The prelate had maintained that the design of the parties who opposed the resolutions of the Vatican council on 18th July, 1870, was solely to excite public opinion against the Church and her exercise of the sacred office of instructress, thus provoking a general apostacy, to be followed in due time by a persecution of the faithful; and that such assaults on the rights of the church would at the same time endanger social order in the country and the safety of the state. To these declarations of the archbishop the official communication in question makes the following reply: