69 SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your excellency's dispatch dated 17th ultimo, instructing me to obtain from the Chinese authorities the sum of taels 4,785, for the chapels destroyed in Tientsin City, on the 21st of June last, by the Chinese people belonging to the North China Mission of the American Board of Foreign Missions. Immediately after the receipt of your dispatch I addressed his excellency Chung-lin on the subject, and handed him translation of the paper received from you, giving in detail the losses sustained, and the particular claims for each. Later, I had several interviews with Ma, the prefect, at my office, on this subject, and it was finally arranged by us that as he had, previously to the receipt of my dispatch, already begun erecting the second chael near the west gate of the city, for which there were charged taels 235, by the wish of Rev. Mr. Stanley, that he should proceed with the work and finish it, and that the sum of taels 4,499 should be paid in cash as liquidation for the claim sent to me from the legation. I have now to inform your excellency that I last night received a dispatch from Ma, the prefect, inclosing a customs banker's order for the above-mentioned amount of taels 4,499, and that I this morning handed the order to Messrs. Russell & Co., of this post, with instructions to hold the amount to the credit of the North China Mission of the American Board of Foreign Missions; and I beg to inclose Messrs. Russell & Co.'s receipt for the amount which I obtained, in duplicate. I have further to inform you that the Rev. Mr. Stanley called on ne a few days back to say that he had another claim to present to the Chinese authorities on account of some Chinese connected with the mission. I shall be obliged to you if you will give me instructions on this head for my guidance when I am called upon to address the authorities, as I take it for granted, although I have received no instructions from you on this matter, that the further claims meet with your approval. I have, &c., No. 23. JOHN A. T. MEADOWS. No. 45.] Mr. Low to Mr. Fish. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Peking, December 27, 1870. (Received February 24.) SIR: A short time since a report came to me from Tientsin that the people there were preparing to give to the men that were executed for participation in the riot of last summer, a grand public funeral, and that funds were being collected to erect a tablet or temple to their memory. While it appeared desirable in every respect that the proper authori ties should endeavor to prevent such proceedings, it did not seem to be a case in which a formal official protest by myself or my colleagues would be proper or becoming. I deemed it advisable, however, to send Mr. Williams to the Foreign Office with a verbal message pointing out the danger to be apprehended from a large popular assemblage such as would be collected at the funeral, and the evil effect the news of such proceedings would have abroad, and advising the government to take such measures as should be by the proper officers deemed advisable to put a stop to it. At the same time the vice-consul at Tientsin was instructed to call upon the viceroy and make similar friendly representations to him. Herewith I have the honor to inclose copy of a dispatch from the vice-consul giving a report of his interview with the viceroy, and the assurances of the latter that the proceedings contemplated will not be allowed to take place. This matter is important, chiefly as exhibiting the temper of the people entsin, and I should not have troubled you with any reference to it but for the fact that the rumor, when it reaches Shanghai, will probably be seized upon and given undue prominence in the newspapers, and have the effect to keep alive the fears and apprehensions of the foreign community. I have, &c., FREDERICK F. LOW. Mr. Meadows to Mr. Low. UNITED STATES CONSULATE, SIR: On the 20th instant I called on Li-Hong-Chang, the viceroy, and brought on the subject of your last letter to me in regard to the report current at Peking, "that the people of Tientsin are preparing to give the beheaded martyrs a grand funeral, and that a memorial tablet or temple will be erected to their memory." His excellency said that shortly after the executions a rumor was current in Tientsin that it was the intention of the people to erect a tsze-tang, (which we may, in this case, translate by the words a "sacrificial temple,") dedicated to the memory of the executed men, but that on the rumor reaching his ears, he at once called the prefect and magistrate (Chefoo and Chehsien) to him and ordered them to rigorously prevent any such action on the part of the inhabitants, if they actually contemplated it. He further added that the men had been punished in accordance with the laws of China, for the killing of foreigners, and as Chinese and foreigners were one family it could never be permitted by the territorial authorities that the people of Tien-tsin should be allowed to erect a tsze-tang to their memories; and if the attempt was made he himself, as the viceroy, would personally proceed to the spot and pull the building down. On no account would it be permitted by the territorial officers. It was, however, he was sure, never the intention of the respectable inhabitants of Tientsin to do any such thing, and that rumor arose, he was confident, from some utterances of the lower orders, who were congregated at the place of execution. I am confident in the opinion that the viceroy would not allow the inhabitants of Tien-tsin to erect any such tsz-tang or temple as mentioned in your letter of 15th instant. I told the viceroy that I would report his words to your excellency, and I further added that you might be passing through Tientsin next spring on your way to the southern ports, which you had not yet visited. He said he would be very glad to see you if you came to Tientsin. SIR: Hitherto I have confined myself to reporting, with as much care as possible, upon the present condition of affairs in China, without indulging in reflections as to the past or in speculations upon the future. This appeared to me to be the course of wisdom and prudence; and while the information given in this way might not be as full and complete as would be desirable, what you did receive would be more exact and reliable. And besides, time, observation, and experience seemed necessary to enable an impartial judgment to be formed with reference to a country and people about which there are so many antag onistic theories and diverse opinions as there are in regard to China and the Chinese. No forecast of the future would be likely to prove correct, or subserve any useful purpose unless founded upon a broader basis than the prevailing opinions and prophecies current here seemed to be. In submitting some observations upon China, its social and political organization, its relations with the people and governments of other nations, and some speculations in regard to the future, I do it with some diffidence, knowing as I do that opinions upon these points differ so widely that the exact truth can only be approximated. Even with the same sources of information, different persons form different theories and arrive at opposite conclusions, each theory appearing plausible and all opinions containing more or less truth. China is in itself a country of contradictions. No generalization is safe or likely to prove correct, for to fifty examples adduced to prove a given state of facts, one hundred may be brought forward to prove the contrary. This is true of the government as well as everything else. Commencing with the Emperor and tracing the authority downward, nothing is seen but irresponsible autocratic power, which must of necessity make the government an absolute despotism; while if you begin at the bottom and go up through the several gradations of society and governmental authority, democracy appears to be a principle deeply embedded in the governmental structure, the popular will exercising a controlling influence over the officials-the officers evidently being guided, to a great extent, by the will of the governed. The fact is, however, that it is neither the one nor the other, but a strange mixture of both-despotism and democracy; of absolute authority vested in the Emperor to do all things according to his will, while this power is so hedged about by precedent and tradition that little can be effected except in obedience to the popular will. In theory the Emperor is God's vicegerent on earth, and the source of all law both human and divine. He claims to be, by right, the possessor of the soil; owner of all the resources of the country; the source of office from which come power, honor and emolument; and is entitled to the services of all male subjects between the ages of sixteen and sixty. Were this theory carried out in practice the government of China would be the strongest of any on earth. One man's arbitrary will controlling and directing four hundred million of people has no parallel. Against this theory may be safely stated as a fact that the power of the imperial government is weak, amounting to feebleness, exercising a control over its people rather nominal than real. China is divided into eighteen provinces, each having a separate government, the chief officials of which are direct appointees of the Emperor. In theory, the provincial governments are instituted for convenience, to assist the imperial government in the exercise of its jurisdiction and authority over the people, while in fact the provinces are to all intents and purposes independent tributary states in which the authority of the central power is scarcely felt except through the provincial officials. The governments of the provinces in their workings appear to be a complete realization of the day-dreams of the more enthusiastic advocates of, and believers in, "State rights" in the United States. The provincial officers are invested with legislative and judicial, as well as executive powers, and are, to all intents and purposes, supreme within their jurisdictions. They grant leases for the land and receive the rental, fix the rate. and mode of taxation, and cause the taxes to be levied and collected, and appropriate the proceeds, over and above what may be demanded by the central government as an annual contribution for its support, to defray the expenses of provincial administration. And when any extraordinary expenditure is rendered necessary, it is their duty to devise means for raising unusual taxes to meet the emergency. The officers of the provinces are expected to maintain peace and good order within their several jurisdictions; to repel invasion and suppress insurrection, and, if necessary for the purpose, to raise and organize troops and support them. They are required to do all this without having any fixed rules of law for their guidance. When any outbreak occurs, the fact is looked upon by the central government as prima facie evidence of the incapacity or dishonesty of the local officials, justifying instant removal from office and degradation. By Chinese law, acts of omission are punished with as great or greater severity than acts of commission. If an insurrection occurs, it is quite according to precedent to use any available means to put it down, and it not unfrequently happens that leaders of guerrilla bands are rewarded with money, and even with office, as a quid pro quo for disbanding their maurauding forces. If, on the other hand, force is resorted to to suppress insurrection, the maxim of Machiavelli appears to be the law of war: "It is safer to put an enemy to death, because, if his life be spared, he may stir up sedition again." Instances occur when men and money are ordered from other provinces to aid in suppressing revolt, but, as a rule, each province is expected to maintain peace without aid from elsewhere. The chief officials of the provinces usually recommend or nominate persons to fill the subordinate offices. These recommendations require imperial sanction, which is rarely withheld, before they can become effective; a nomination being considered equal to an appointment. In this way by far the larger number of offices in the empire are filled by the high provincial offices, while in the theory all appointments are made by the Emperor alone. Theoretically all offices are filled by the intelligent and educated only, the test of a literary examination being applied to all candidates, and only those who pass this ordeal with credit being considered eligible. The humblest person in the empire, if fitted by education, is eligible to the highest office below royalty. This rule is adhered to with a strictness and impartiality that would be highly creditable in any nation. As a proof of this a large proportion of the high officials at the present time are men of lowly origin. This system, admirable in itself, has stood the test of nearly eleven hundred years' practice. It has survived internal wars and changes of dynasty, and is to-day more firmly fixed in the polity of the empire and the affections of the people than any principle which governs this nation. Indeed it is about the ouly principle that has not so often been set aside from motives of policy that little is to be found of the original. Great precautions are taken to secure absolute impartiality in the examinations, and I am convinced that they are conducted in a manner that would be creditable anywhere, and that equal and exact justice is substantially done. Much has been said and written by foreigners in regard to the sale of offices to non-graduates for money, and while it is undoubtedly true that this expedient has been resorted to in times of great financial distress, to replenish the government exchequer, I am inclined to believe that rank, and not office, is the chief thing sold and purchased. In other words, a title resembling somewhat a brevet rank in our Army, which carries with it.honor but no emoluments, is the thing purchasable. To be sure a person holding rank is eligible to office, but as a matter of fact few of those that purchase rank are appointed to office. The great drawback connected with this excellent system is the use less character of the education when applied to the practical concerns of life. What would be thought of the curriculum of our universities and colleges that included only the study of the Old Testament in English, and the Greek, Hebrew, and Arabic languages? Or of an examination in which the student, in order to entitle him to a diploma, would be required to exhibit a thorough knowledge of the three dead languages, and be able to recite from memory the Books of Moses, the Psalms of David, and the Proverbs of Solomon! And yet this is not an inapt illustration of the nature of a thorough course of Chinese instructions. Education in this country includes a long and laborious course of study, consuming the best years of a life-time, and in the end the result is valueless for any useful purpose to the government or people. Another glaring defect in the construction of society is that the hope of obtaining office is the great, if not the only, incentive to a thorough education. Office, which brings to its recipient honor, power, and reward, is the end and aim of all men in this country. With this end in view they will struggle in poverty through a long series of years, triennially submitting themselves to an examination, with ninety-nine chances in a hundred against success; and many who do obtain the coveted prize only succeed at the ages of 50, 60, and 70 years, when their mental and physical energies are well-nigh exhausted. So far as I can learn, few, if any, enter upon a thorough course of study with a view of fitting themselves for professional labors, or of applying their talents to any useful purpose in science or art. Where there is such a scramble for place and power the number of unsuccessful ones must be very large. Scarcely one per cent. of those that compete triennially for the highest degree are successful; and when it is taken into consideration that only those that pass a successful provincial examination are entitled to compete at Peking, some estimate may be made of the vast numbers in the empire that enter the race for renown and reward. Those who do not succeed constitute, by common consent, a middle class, commonly known as the "literati and gentry." The people of this class occupy a medium position between the officials and peasantry. They act as advisers to the lower classes, and their good offices are sought by the governing class in the management of local concerns. By their superior intelligence they are enabled to control most of the property, and yet few acquire such wealth as would enable them to oppress the people, were they so disposed. This class create the public opinion of the country, which exercises a controlling influence over the officials, and is usually powerful enough to thwart the intentions and nullify the action of the officers, from the Emperor down, whenever popular rights are in danger of being invaded or the people unduly oppressed. So powerful is the influence of the literati that all officials endeavor to conform their action to the popular will, and in this view the government of China is essentially democratic in practice. Where offices are obtained at the cost of so much labor and expense, the officials expect to reimburse themselves for all their trouble when position is once obtained, and, if report be true, they seldom fail in their purposes, nor are they particular or scrupulous about the means by which it is done. To successfully accomplish what they desire, with the people in front and the Emperor behind, vested with the arbitrary power of removal from office, is not always easy; so that the acquisition of ill-gotten gains without risk of unhappy consequences usually com |