pels the officials to resort to falsehood and subterfuge. When complaint is made to the imperial government, all the advantages are on the side of the officials and against the complainants; for in a country like this, where there are neither railroads, telegraphs, nor a well-regulated postal system, communication between the capital and the provinces is slow, irregular, and uncertain, and the officials are thus enabled to present their side of the case first, and in the most favorable light; and in the absence of a newspaper press the popular voice can scarcely be heard outside of the immediate vicinity whenever such cases arise. These causes often give rise to insurrection and rebellion, which seem to be the only mode left to the people to redress their wrongs.

*

The arbitrary power vested in the officials appears to render falsehood necessary, on the part of the common people, in order to escape oppressive burdens and unjust punishments; and the desire for dishonest gains on the part of the officials compels them to use subterfuge to escape untoward results. As an offset to this kind of dishonesty and in justice to the Chinese, it should be stated that among the trading and mercantile classes there is probably more honor and honesty than is to be found among similar classes in any country.

In placing a value upon the honesty of the Chinese, as compared with that of other nations, I by no means overlook the difference between Paganism and Christianity; but with all its elevating tendencies I should be inclined to doubt the efficacy of Christianity, unaided by other enlightening and elevating influences, in controlling the baser passions of men, keeping them in the path of rectitude and virtue, when exposed to the temptations that Chinese officials are. It would be hazardous to predict a better state of public and official morality in any nation, however enlightened, according to our ideas of enlightenment, with a government of arbitrary power, depending more on tradition and precedent than well-defined written law for the guidance of the officials and the people.

In view of all these adverse circumstances, instead of finding progress, it is a matter of surprise that the whole social and governmental fabric has not fallen to pieces of its own weight. With such entire independence on the part of the provinces the wonder is that the central government has been able to maintain any prestige or power whatever. Isolation has undoubtedly done much toward keeping the nation intact; and the fact that the Emperor is regarded as the spiritual as well as the temporal head adds much to his power and to the force of imperial ediets. But more than all other influences combined is the universal ambition for official position, and the mode of making the appointments. This is the strong bond that has kept the nation together. By the method of competitive examinations before referred to, all the intellect and education of the empire is either in office or hoping to get in. The officials are anxious to keep the government intact in order to retain place and power, and a large portion of the literati live in the hope that a happy turn in the wheel of fortune, a successful examination, will give them official position also.

This is also a great hinderance in the way of making improvements; an almost impassable barrier in the path of progress, which is difficult to reach or overcome by reason or argument.

The language is another great obstacle which only time and forbearance on the part of other nations will be able to remove even partially. The language is so cumbersome that it consumes many years in the lifetime of a native to master it thoroughly. If this be so in the case of

natives, what are the prospects of foreigners that undertake the task? To be sure, there are, at this time, a number of foreigners able to read and speak the language with more or less fluency; yet, with all their years of patient study, it would not be safe to affirm that there is in China a single foreigner able to read and speak the language thoroughly and correctly, or one that would undertake to translate a letter or dispatch into Chinese without the aid of a native teacher or writer, and be certain that the meaning and intent would be correctly understood. The Chinese appreciate but slightly the importance of learning other languages, which would enable them to read the literature of other nations, and, until more enlightened, will make little or no effort in that direction; and until they can be led to appreciate the value of foreign knowledge, or foreigners can prepare themselves to teach the Chinese in their own language, how are the latter to acquire knowledge? Although the task is laborious, requiring much time and patience, yet the progress made in the last twenty years is encouraging. Text-books, dictionaries, &c., are multiplying, all of which will prove efficient aids in acquiring a knowledge of the language, and will facilitate very much the work in the future.

Aside from those connected with the foreign customs department of the Chinese government, the foreign diplomatic and consular service, and the missionaries, it would be difficult to find a single foreigner able to understand, speak, or write the Chinese language. The foreign merchants have made no effort in this direction. On the contrary, some firms have declined to employ natives that could speak and read English, fearing that the European price currents and market reports might be by them communicated to the native merchants. Substantially, all business with the natives is transacted through the agency of Chinese brokers, or "compradores."

Merchants are able to communicate with their compradores by means of a nondescript jargon called "pidgin English," by which the simplest ideas may be conveyed, orders for buying and selling, which answers the purposes of trade. It possesses, however, few elements of language, and its introduction and use have in no small degree retarded the progress of the natives at and near the ports in acquiring something like a correct knowledge of our language. It gives me pleasure, however, to chronicle the fact that there are at the present time in Peking two young men, employés of an American firm in Shanghai, studying the language, with a view of making themselves useful to their employers, and thus relieving the house somewhat from its entire dependence upon native compradores in communicating with Chinese merchants. This firm (Messrs. Augustine Heard & Co.) deserve honorable mention for liberality and enterprise in promoting what seems to be the acquisition of useful knowledge, and it is to be hoped that the experiment may prove such a success as to induce others to follow their example.

That the empire is in a state of decline the signs of decay and ruin to be met with on every hand afford painful evidence. When the decadence commenced, and what are the causes, are, like all other questions in regard to China, not easy to be answered. If the history of this country could be correctly known and understood, it would be found, undoubtedly, that progress and retrogression had alternated according to the vigor or licentiousness and profligacy of the several dynasties, and very much in proportion to the wisdom, honesty, and energy of the several ruling Emperors. The present decline, however, may, I think, be safely set down as dating from the reign of the Emperor Kienloong, who ruled from 1736 to 1796. During the reign of that sov

ereign vast sums of money were expended in repairing and enlarging old and building new imperial residences and pleasure grounds, and in the repair and erection of Buddhist temples, tombs, tablets, &c., all over the country. Succeeding Emperors do not appear to have had the vigor to repair the losses to the national wealth occasioned by the profligate expenditures made by Kien-loong. The people becoming impoverished, became also discontented, and their discontent showed itself in rebellions and insurrections. This insurrectionary spirit, on the part of the people, seems to have become chronic, and rebellion showed itself in nearly all the provinces of the empire at various times during the present century. It finally culminated in what was known as the Taeping rebellion, which raged with great violence and ferocity from about 1850 to 1865, and devastated and laid waste almost the entire central part of China before it was finally suppressed. To the destruction of life and property by the insurgents must be added the cost in men and money of the wars carried on by the imperial government for their suppression, and also the foreign wars that have occurred, all of which reduced hundreds of thousands of the peasantry to destitution, want, and starvation. From the best data obtainable, the loss of life by casualties of war, wounds, sickness, and starvation, within the last one hundred years, has overbalanced the natural increase of population, so that the actual number of people now in China is less than it was a century ago. If this estimate be correct, of which there can be little doubt, it is obvious that from these causes alone decline and retrogression must be the inevitable result. In addition to this, and more potent, probably, than all other causes combined, is the increase in the consumption of opium. This vice, which has consumed their substance and enervated the people, was scarcely known at the beginning of the present century. In the year 1800 the total amount of opium imported into China, according to the most authentic accounts, did not exceed 4,000 chests of 133 pounds each. In 1869 the amount of the foreign drug brought into this country was about 85,000 chests. This estimate includes 53,000 chests actually entered at the open ports, on which duties were paid, and 32,000 chests which the foreign customs authorities believe were smuggled into the country from Hong-Kong. At the beginning of the present century very little opium was produced in China. In 1869 careful estimates put down the native growth at equal to 75,000 chests, which makes the total consumption of this drug 160,000 chests, equal to 21,000,000 pounds, or ten thousand five hundred tons. The value of the opium brought into the country, in all ways from abroad, does not vary much from $68,000,000, equal to seventy-five per cent. of the value of all the tea and silk exported to foreign countries. These figures tell a painful story, and are a sad commentary upon the beneficial influence of foreign trade upon the welfare of this people. They prove most conclusively that the vice of opium-smoking has consumed, and is consuming, a large portion of the earnings of the people, lessening their ability to pay taxes, which, in turn, tends to the impoverishment of the government. But this estimate only includes the smaller part of the loss and damage. The consumption of this drug has weakened the energies of the people, promoted indolence and profligacy, lessened their productive power, and thus accelerated the decay and ruin of the empire.

Whether this decadence can be arrested by a reformation in the habits of the people, or whether new sources of industry and wealth can be opened up to replace the losses caused by the use of opium, or both, are questions worthy of the serious consideration of all who desire to foster

and increase the commercial relations between the people of western nations and this country. The former, in my judgment, is only possible by creating among the people a better moral sentiment, which will have the effect to curb their appetites and passions; the latter can only be done by enlightening the governing and educated classes with reference to the benefits to be derived, and through their influence induce their own people to undertake the task of systematically developing the vast mineral and other resources that now lie dormant, or allow foreigners to do it for them. In my judgment these are the only means of regenerating this country and this people peacefully.

The masses must be educated through the labors and influence of the Christian missionaries chiefly, and the officials must be taught by the wise, judicious, and energetic action of foreign governments, through their diplomatic representatives in Peking. This latter influence must be exerted in the enlightenment of the officials, and the strengthening of the central power, so that its decrees and mandates may, while doing justice, have more force and command more respect than is the case

now.

There is still another course more direct, if not more effective, than either, which may be termed the "popular course"-force. This is regarded by most of the foreign residents here as the only sure and speedy agent for "opening up" China. The merchants look upon the use of force as necessary to open up new resources and avenues of industry, and a large proportion of the missionaries favor it because their task will, by this means, be rendered less difficult, probably, than by the slow and laborious process of moral suasion.

I will do the missionaries the justice to say that their mode of reasoning leads them to honestly believe in the morality and humanity of war to accomplish the best results to this people. They believe that "the earth is the Lord's and the fullness thereof;" that they are simply agents in the hands of the Almighty to effect the christianization and regeneration of the heathen; that the more speedily the work progresses the better it is for the Chinese and the world; that force is absolutely neces sary to break down the barriers of ignorance, conceit, and superstition, and that the use of armies to compel submission is only adding an auxil iary force to reason to accomplish the great work of the Master. The arguments against such a theory are so obvious that it is not necessary to repeat them here.

That the work of reformation by peaceful means will require many years of forbearance on the part of other nations, and patient labor and effort of those to whom the task is committed, is quite certain; but that time, forbearance, and labor will accomplish it, must in the nature of things be so. The believers in the other theory assert, with truth, that all foreigners are now residing in China through the influence of force exerted in former years, and hence nothing, in their opinion, but force will, in the future, break down the barriers of ignorance and superstition which stand in the pathway of progress. It is hardly necessary for me to say that to this theory in its entirety I do not subscribe.

Leaving justice and morality quite out of view, and reducing the ques tion to one of policy and expediency simply, I see so many obstacles in the way of securing permanent advancement by war, for it really means nothing else, that I should hesitate long before counseling the applica tion of military force for the purpose of obtaining further concessions. But with all the forces which will be brought to bear against it, I have little hope, and no real expectation, that peaceful relations will continue

between China and foreign nations so that the ameliorating influences of education will be able to do the work of regeneration.

The slowness and vacillation of the central government will be likely to exhaust the patience of other nations; and the infractions of treaty rights by the provincial authorities and the people, and the pressure of the mercantile class for additional concesions, will sooner or later cause a rupture which will end in a foreign war.

In estimating the chances and counting the probabilities as to the future, it should be borne in mind that the manufacturing operations in some European countries are in a measure dependent upon maintaining and increasing the market for manufactures in India and China.

To try and relieve their suffering operatives at home, may cause these governments to pursue a course, in the attempt to increase trade, which would not, under other circumstances, be attempted.

Happily, no such considerations are likely to enter into the policy which the United States may choose to pursue towards this or any other nation.

In addition to all the other difficulties which stand in the way of the maintenance of peace and good-fellowship between natives and foreigners, is the "irrepressible conflict" which is sure to result when two distinct races and civilizations are brought vis-a-vis.

The Indian wars on the North American continent, and the experience of the people of the United States with African slavery, are painful illustrations of this truth.

The mistake that most foreign residents make, is in underestimating the value of Chinese intellect and Chinese civilization.

It is not fair to compare this people with Indians or negroes, or to place them on a par with the inhabitants of India and the Eastern Archipelago.

The Chinese are superior to most, if not all, existing Pagan nations, in mental capacity, industry, and administrative power. Although their education is faulty, and really valueless for the practical purposes of an enlightened age, yet their ability to master difficult studies shows a capacity for acquiring knowledge that compares favorably with any people. Chinese merchants compete successfully with the foreigner in all branches of trade, and occupy at the present time the vantageground here.

The peasantry are industrious, frugal, and painstaking; content with gains that afford subsistence in the most inexpensive form; noted for their docility and love of order. Their isolation, and ignorance of everything that pertains to modern science, promotes superstition, and their belief in the Emperor being the head of all affairs, both temporal and spiritual, leads them to look with distrust upon all innovations or prospect of change. The great mass of the people have never seen a foreigner. They have been taught that the people of other countries are a distinct and separate species, fierce, cruel, and rapacious, capable of committing any outrage, and ready to practice any device for purposes of gain.

Unfortunately, impartial history cannot be invoked to disprove many of the counts in the indictment against foreigners. On the other hand, most foreigners make little distinction between Chinese civilization and barbarism. In their opinion the Chinese are an inferior race, whose rights, privileges, or prejudices are too apt to be disregarded when gain is hindered thereby, or when they seem to stand in the way of the onward march of what we are pleased to call our "superior civilization." The same influences are at work in China that produced a somewhat