tress-many cases of miserable suffering, both in the agricultural and in the commercial districts of the country, had been brought under the notice of their Lordships during the present Session of Parliament; but as those cases, which he considered to be more than sufficient to make it imperative upon their Lordships to grant an investigation into the causes of these calamities, had totally failed to move them to give that substantial proof of the compassion which he had no doubt they all felt, he could not help seeing that the difficulties of the task he had undertaken were thereby materially increased. This difficulty again became the more embarrassing, from the circumstance that, in all the discussions which had taken place, he had not been able to discover what exact measure of distress it was, which his Majesty's Ministers and the House conceived would justify them in instituting an inquiry into its causes. Under these circumstances, he was sorry to say that he felt it necessary to trouble their Lordships with what he was afraid they would find a tedious, as he was sure it must be a painful statement of that misery and degradation into which the labouring classes were sunk; and which, as it had been ably stated by a noble Earl opposite, threatened the breaking up of the very foundations of society. The very day after he had given notice of the Motion to which he was then calling the attention of their Lordships, he had sent to a number of parishes in order to procure information respecting the number of persons who had been out of employment from 1826 to the present time. He had received forty answers to his inquiries, and by those answers it appeared, that in no one case were there a less number of persons receiving parish relief now than in 1826. Their Lordships would recollect that the year 1826 was the year immediately succeeding the year of panic, a year in which the country was supposed to be at low-water mark; but the fact was, as their Lordships would see, that we had been gradually sinking lower and lower since that period. He would begin his statement by calling their Lordships' attention to a parish in Sussex, which he had selected because it was mentioned in the Emigration Report of 1827. In that parish the money paid for the relief of the poor in 1826, amounted to 2,3147.; in 1829 it amounted to 2,9607.; and before the Emigration Committee, the rental of this parish, in 1827, was estimated at 2,5991., so that the Poor-rates in 1829 amounted to nearly 4007. more than the rent in 1827. He had also selected seventeen principal towns in eight counties, and he begged to call the attention of their Lordships to the average number of paupers in them at the respective periods he had mentioned. At Andover, in 1826 there were in the workhouse sixtytwo paupers, in 1830 there were seventy; out of the workhouse there were 310 in 1826, and 430 in 1830, the number casually relieved in 1826 was forty; in 1830 the number was 117; the number of paupers not included above was fifty in 1826, and 112 in 1830. At Bradford the following was the proportion : At Huddersfield the proportion was 66 and 128, with 174 and 209; and so it went on till they came to Leeds. Before he spoke of Leeds, to which he wished particularly to call their Lordships' attention, let him observe, that it had been stated by one of his Majesty's Ministers (Mr. Herries) elsewhere, in a speech which somehow or other had found its way into the papers, that Leeds was in a most flourishing condition. The right hon. Gentleman he alluded to had been so informed, it appeared, by Mr. Gott, who was an old friend of his on the Wool-committee; and therefore he knew what reliance to place on his testimony; but their Lordships should judge for themselves of the correctness of his information, The document he meant to quote from was, an official return signed by the clerk to the township of Leeds, and according to it, the following were the numbers of paupers in the two years at Leeds: 1826. 1830. In the workhouse .... 156 .. 220 Out-door paupers 900. 1,010 Casually relieved .... 700. 1,230 .... Such, then, was the state of a town which was described as being in a flourishing condition, and such were the statements on which his Majesty's Ministers believed that distress was not general. In Manchester, again, which, according to another statement of the same right hon. Gentleman, was in a flourishing condition, the pauper account ran thus-and this account was also official, being signed by the overseer of the township. 1826. 1830. In the workhouse .... 547 .. 598 Casually relieved... 2,706. 3,359 If these towns, in which there had been such increase of poor since 1826, could be said to be flourishing, notwithstanding this vast increase of pauperism, what must be the abject misery of those parts in which all agreed that distress did exist,-of those parts where the admitted partial distress prevailed? How the Ministers could get rid of the facts he had brought forward, how they could persuade their Lordships, in spite of those facts, that the country was not distressed, he could not imagine, unless the speculations of Mr. Gott were thought better than the returns of the overseers of the parishes which he had mentioned. Not to detain their Lord ships by reading all the returns he had before him, he would content himself with stating, that the total weekly average of poor relieved in all these towns amounted to 2,906 in 1826, and to 3,656 in 1830. He would beg leave, however, to refer their Lordships to another return concerning the township of Hurdsfield, adjoining Macclesfield, in the county of Chester, in which the Poor-rates collected in the year ending March 1821, amounted to 1407. while the amount for the year ending at March 1830, was 7117. The gentleman who signed the return stated, that since 1826 some portion of the wages had been paid out of the Poor-rates to enable the manufacturer to keep his ground in the home market. He added, that 150 cottages were unoccupied, and seven factories of different sizes had stopped work. But if his Majesty's Ministers thought the distress of the distant town doubtful and not worth inquiring into, they could not be ignorant of the distress which prevailed in London. Moreover, to shew this, which was not difficult, he had brought together some facts. He had applied to the Mendicity Society for information, and he found, that the number relieved by that Society in the two first months of the year was 3,207 in 1826, The following is the Official Return from which the noble Duke quoted the facts mentioned in his speech. A Comparative Summary of the Average Number of Poor weekly relieved in the two periods 1826 and 1830, in the Towns of Andover, Birmingham, Bradford, Coventry, Congleton, Huddersfield, Leeds, Manchester, Mangotsfield, near Bristol, the City of Norwich, Portsea, the Parish of St. Nicholas (Nottingham), St. Martin's (Leicester), the two Townships of Sutton and Hurdsfield, near Macclesfield, and Wigan. N.B. The year 1828 is substituted for 1826 in the particular case of Norwich, in consequence of no earlier return than that of 1828 having been received. and that in 1830 it was no less than 45,219.* In the first two weeks of March alone no less than 3,570 had been relieved by that society. In the parish of St. Mary, Bethnal-green, the number of the poor in the workhouse in 1826 was 500, and about the same number of poor out of the workhouse in 1830 there were 1,400 in the workhouse, and nearly 5,000 who received parish relief out of the workhouse. He thought that he had now clearly shown that the distress of the labouring classes had been increasing since 1826, and he would detain their Lordships no longer on that point. But if, in addition to these facts, if, in addition to the fact that the progress of the remuneration for labour had been declining until it had reached almost to the point of starvation,-if, he said, in addition to these facts, he required any further justification for his present Motion, he should find it in the proceedings of the other House of Parliament, in which two measures were in progress, and would probably soon be sent up to that House, which would require their Lordships, before they gave their assent to them, to make themselves well acquainted with the condition of the poor. A practice had grown up in some parts of the country of paying the wages of labourers by truck instead of in money. Concerning this system, and the bill to remedy it, he could not pledge himself by giving a positive opinion, because he knew little of the circumstances connected with it, and because he knew that it was a recognized principle, that the legislature should interfere as little as possible between the master and the workman. It was clear, however, that the system was very repugnant to the feelings of the labourers and an hon. Member of the other House had introduced a measure of which the object was to compel the payment of wages in money. Whether that measure were desirable or not he was not able to decide, but the subject would very properly fall within the inquiries of the committee he proposed. Another measure, intended to put a stop to the practice of paying wages out of the Poor-rates, had originated with Mr. Slaney,-a gentleman whose benevolent exertions to ameliorate the condition of the poor deserved the highest praise. For his own part he did not object to the principle of the Poorlaws, but when their Lordships considered the extent of the evils derived from them, and the increasing amount of the Poorrates, it was their bounden duty no longer to avoid going into the subject with a view to inquire whether the present administration of the law tended to demoralize the population rather than to benefit the country. If no other anomaly existed. than that of the working people of England being exposed to an extraordinary competition with other labourers, the matter would be worth inquiring into. It might be an unpopular topic with many of their Lordships to allude to the irruption of Irish labourers into this country; but he would observe, that what they received from the Poor-rates was a bounty on their coming. He would give Irish labourers free permission to come into the English market, but they should speculate on finding employment at their own peril. He would place them upon the same footing here as an Englishman was placed on in Ireland: the fact of their being Irishmen should preclude them from obtaining a settlement in this country, from receiving parish relief, or being passed back to Ireland at our expense. port of a committee of the Commons, generally known as Lord Stanley's Committee, stated that 20,418 Irish had been passed from the county of Lancaster alone within the five years ending with 1827. The average charge for removing each of these paupers from London to Liverpool was 41. 11s. 3d., while the price of a place in the mail was only 41. 4s. Ought such a system to be allowed to continue? What made this drain upon the Poor-rates less bearable, were the gross frauds frequently committed by those persons who procured a The re livelihood by vagrancy, and obtained relief intended for Englishmen. It often happened that while they managed to be sent home as paupers they possessed considerable sums, the profits of their labour, which they carefully remitted to Ireland. The noble Duke proceeded to refer to the *In order to make the information conveyed in the noble Duke's speech as accurate as possible, the editor thinks it right to add that the number of persons said to be relieved by the Mendicity Society is calculated by the number of meals given, so that if one person receives three meals, he would appear in the report as three persons. The winter of 1830 also was peculiarly severe. See the 12th Annual Report of the Mendicity Society. VOL. XXIII. R accounts of the Savings' banks as afford- | per cent. The price of sugar in bond he ing proofs of distress, and observed, that believed was 25s., and the duty amounted those banks were in precisely the same to 27s.; here was a tax of above 100 per state as our merchants, ship-owners, manu- cent upon this article. In speaking of facturers, and agriculturists,-their capi- the taxes that pressed severely upon protal was diminishing every day. He had ductive industry, he might mention the a return of their receipts and payments tax on candles: the poor man was frein the year 1828, but should not quote it, quently obliged to work many hours before as it might be said that the law relating daylight and after dark, and therefore felt to Savings' banks had been altered since the pressure of that duty severely. But that period, and consequently that the he would not go into detail on these accounts of 1828 afforded no fair test of points: if he were to introduce the subject prosperity or distress. But in 1829, the into a committee it would be with a view payments into Savings' banks had been to ascertain which taxes pressed most upon 449,493., while the sum drawn out the poor, and how they might most adamounted to 1,444,9377.; and in the first vantageously be remitted-if taxation to seven weeks of the present year the sum the amount of them could not be abolished. paid in was 92,751., while that drawn However, he felt sure that the noble out was 117,5101, making a diminution Duke had every desire to make further upon the amount of deposits of 24,7591. reductions, and he hoped that he would within that period. It was evident from soon see clearly how much the state of this, that Savings' banks could not last the country demanded that this should be much longer, except their Lordships should done. He thought, that by reducing some be enabled to put the country into a better taxes, consumption might be increased, state. With respect to the second part of and that the revenue, instead of losing, his Motion, which related to the effect of would be benefitted. The noble Duke taxation upon productive industry, after had anticipated, by his reductions, some the reductions recently made by the Go- of the points which it had been his intenvernment it might appear ungenerous and tion to press upon the House on a former ungrateful in him to press the noble Duke evening, if he had not been prevented by at its head further on the subject. He illness from then bringing forward his should not enter into detail upon this part motion. He was unwilling to allude to of the question. He felt great gratitude matters personally affecting himself, but to the noble Duke for the relief already he trusted their Lordships would excuse afforded, but regretted that he had stopped him for doing so, on the ground of his short in his wise career; he regretted that anxiety to place himself right in their other taxes had not been repealed which good opinion. He had been charged with curtailed the comforts of the working a supposed inconsistency between his classes and crippled our manufacturing and language in that House and his acts out commercial interests,-when he considered of it. It was supposed that he had conthe privations and distress of the working nived at the practice of employing labourclasses, when he recollected how many ers to do the work of beasts of burden. thousands were obliged to exist with their The only instance of such a practice which families on a pittance of 4d. or 6d. a day, came before him in his capacity of a mahe thought that every tax which pressed gistrate was the following:-He had been heavily upon those classes ought to meet called on, some time before the last with serious consideration, with a view to Session of Parliament, by some men beits reduction or repeal. In alluding to the longing to Bognor, nine miles from his price of the necessaries of life he meant residence, who complained that they were not to re-agitate the question of the Corn- compelled to drag carts laden with stones. laws, after years and years of discussion. He met them the next day at Chichester, Into that subject he did not propose to where he acted as chairman of the Petty enter, nor did he suggest it as a matter for Sessions. The overseer of Bognor was inquiry before the proposed committee. summoned before them, but he and his He might mention, however, the duties on brother magistrates found, on examining tea and sugar as pressing heavily upon the into the subject, that they had no legal productive classes: the amount of duty means in their power to prevent such a levied on the poor man's tea, which sel- practice. He remonstrated, however, with dom exceeded 2s. per lb., was ninety-six the overseer, and he had hoped the remoun strance had been successful in putting an end to the practice, as he had heard no more about the matter till recently. Since the subject had been referred to by a noble Earl (Stanhope), he had inquired into it, and ascertained that daily, at the watering-place of Bognor, two carts were employed, each dragged by four men, in conveying stones and gravel from the shore; each cart was attended by a person whom they called a foreman, but who, he believed was, in point of fact, a driver. Would not their Lordships inquire into matters such as these, and give magistrates the power to prevent a practice so pernicious and demoralizing in its effects? He had heard with pleasure from the noble Duke, who was the best authority upon such matters, that England, which heretofore had seldom or never engaged in war but with honour to herself, was in a more effective state now than ever, as respected her establishments for the purpose of defence. No doubt this was the case-every body recollected our past achievements; but did noble Lords believe, if our armies had been composed of men thus degraded, that even under the command of the greatest general of this or any other age they could have stormed the ramparts of Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajoz, scaled the Pyrennees, conquered at Waterloo, and placed the standard of England in the capital of France? Their Lordships might be assured, that if they allowed the people to be degraded and demoralized our whole happiness and prosperity nay, our existence as an independent nation-must cease. He had intended to enter much more into detail, but felt unequal to the task in consequence of his late illness; however, he felt less regret at having been obliged to curtail his observations, as he was aware that his omissions would be amply supplied by noble Lords who agreed with him as to the absolute necessity of a free, a full, and a fair inquiry into the whole state and condition of the unfortunate class of men whose cause he had so feebly advocated. The noble Lord concluded by moving "for the appointment of a Select Committee to take into consideration the internal State of the Country, more particularly with respect to the condition of the Working Classes, and the effect of Taxation upon productive industry." Earl Bathurst said, if his noble relation had moved for a Select Committee to ex amine into the state of the Poor-laws, and the manner in which they were administered, he should have thought that there were strong grounds for such a motion, and should, perhaps, have felt disposed to agree to it; but in the present Motion he found it impossible to concur. His noble relation had gone into a variety of statements with respect to the amount of relief given from time to time to the poor in different places, for the purpose of proving the existence of great distress; but before their Lordships could determine how far these statements formed a correct test of the state of the working classes, it would be desirable to know on what principle, and under what circumstances, the returns had been framed. Noble Lords must know that there had been frequent departures in the mode of administering the Poor-laws from the true principle of the law. A practice had arisen (he spoke not now either in approbation or disapprobation of it) of overseers paying a part of the wages of workmen out of the rates, the farmers employing these men paying the remainder. Now, according to these returns, the description of persons receiving parochial relief was left undefined, and it did not appear under what, circumstances the increase had taken place. It might be that it was owing only to the improper, at least irregular, mode of paying a part of the wages of labour out of the rates, which was a relief not to the labourer but to his employer. His noble relative laid great stress upon the increase of the Poor-rates in certain places during the last winter, but he should recollect that the last winter was one of unusual severity; and that we could not possibly judge of the state of the working classes throughout the country by the distress that took place under such circumstances in particular districts. The noble Lord endeavoured to prove the distress of the working classes by the diminution in the amount of deposits in Savings'banks; but he should be aware that a law had been passed, not long since, by which no individual could have more than 2001. in Savings'-banks, or deposit a larger sum than 307. in one year. When this fact was considered, the diminution was at once accounted for, and it appeared that it afforded no proof whatever of distress. His objection to the Motion was, that although it was apparently confined to the appointment of a committee to examine into the state of the working classes, the actual |