has been exhausted on both sides without increasing the probability of final adjustment. On the contrary, each party seems now to be more convinced than at first of the justice of its own demands. There is but one mode left of settling the dispute, and that is by submitting it to the arbitration of some friendly and impartial power. Unless this be done, the two countries are exposed to the constant danger of a collision which may end in war. It is under these circumstances that the British Government, through its minister here, has proposed the reference of the matter in controversy to the King of Sweden and Norway, the King of the Netherlands, or to the Republic of the Swiss Confederation. Before accepting this proposition I have thought it right to take the advice of the Senate. The precise questions which I submit are these: Will the Senate approve a treaty referring to either of the sovereign powers above named the dispute now existing between the Governments of the United States and Great Britain, concerning the boundary line between Vancouver's Island and the American continent? In case the referee shall find himself unable to decide where the line is by the description of it in the treaty of 15th June, 1846, shall he be authorized to establish a line according to the treaty as nearly as possible? Which of the three powers named by Great Britain as an arbiter shall be chosen by the United States? All important papers bearing on the questions are herewith communicated in the originals. Their return to the Department of State is requested when the Senate shall have disposed of the subject. WASHINGTON, 21 Feby., 1861. JAMES BUCHANAN. MY DEAR SIR/ TO EX-PRESIDENT TYLER.' WASHINGTON 22 February 1861. I find it impossible to prevent two or three companies of the Federal troops here from joining in the procession to-day with the volunteers of the District without giving serious offence to the tens of thousands of the people who have assembled to witness the parade. The day is the anniversary of Washington's birth, -a festive occasion throughout the land, & it has been particularly marked by the House of Representatives. These troops everywhere else join such processions in honor of the birthday of the father of his Country, & it would be hard to assign a good reason why they should be excluded from this privilege in the Capital founded by himself. They are here simply as a posse comitatus to aid the civil authority in case of need. Besides, the programme was published in the National Intelligencer of this morning without my knowledge. From your friend very respectfully PRESIDENT TYLER. JAMES BUCHANAN. MESSAGE ON AVES ISLAND.2 [February 23, 1861.] TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: In compliance with the resolutions of the Senate of the 17th and 18th February, 1858, requesting information upon the subject of the Aves Island, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and the documents which accompanied it. 2 S. Ex. Doc. 10, 36 Cong. 2 Sess. See Moore's International Law Digest, I. 266, 571; V. 211; VII. 122. MESSAGE ON A TREATY WITH THE DELAWARE INDIANS.1 WASHINGTON, February 23, 1861. SIR: Herewith I inclose, for constitutional action of the Senate thereon, should it approve the same, supplemental articles of agreement made and concluded with the authorities of the Delaware Indians, on the 21st July last, with a view to the abrogation of the sixth article of the treaty of May 30, 1860. JAMES BUCHANAN. TO HONORABLE JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE, President of the Senate. MESSAGE ON THE SEIZURE OF THE NEW ORLEANS MINT.2 [February 23, 1861.] TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES: In answer to a resolution of the House of Representatives, adopted on the 11th instant, respecting the seizure of the mint at New Orleans, with a large sum of money therein, by the authorities of the State of Louisiana, the refusal of the treasurer of the branch mint to pay drafts of the United States, &c., I have to state that all the information within my possession or power on these subjects was communicated to the House by the Secretary of the Treasury on the 21st instant, and was prepared under the resolution above referred to, and a resolution of the same date addressed to himself. WASHINGTON, February 23, 1861. JAMES BUCHANAN. 1 Senate Executive Journal, XI. 284. H. Ex. Doc. 79, 36 Cong. 2 Sess. I. MESSAGE ON ANDERSON'S EXTRADITION.1 [February 26, 1861.] TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES: In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 25th instant, requesting information relative to the extradition of one Anderson, a man of color, charged with the commission of murder in the State of Missouri, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and the documents by which it was accompanied. The despatch of Mr. Dallas being the original, its return to the Department of State is requested. In answer to their resolution of the 11th instant "that the President of the United States furnish to this House, if not incompatible with the public service, the reasons that have induced him to assemble so large a number of troops in this city, and why they are kept here; and whether he has any information of a conspiracy upon the part of any portion of the citizens of this country to seize upon the capital and prevent the inauguration of the President elect," The President submits that the number of troops assembled in this city is not large, as the resolution presupposes, its total amount being six hundred and fifty-three men, exclusive of the 'S. Ex. Doc. 11, 36 Cong. 2 Sess. H. Ex. Doc. 82, 36 Cong. 2 Sess. marines, who are, of course, at the navy yard as their appropriate station. These troops were ordered here to act as a posse comitatus, in strict subordination to the civil authority, for the purpose of preserving peace and order in the city of Washington, should this become necessary, before or at the period of the inauguration of the President elect. Since the date of the resolution, the Hon. Mr. Howard, from the select committee, has made a report to the House on this subject. It was thoroughly investigated by that committee; and although they have expressed the opinion" that the evidence produced before them does not prove the existence of a secret. organization here or elsewhere, hostile to the government, that has for its object, upon its own responsibility, an attack upon the Capitol or any of the public property here, or an interruption of any of the functions of the government; " yet the House laid upon the table, by a very large majority, a resolution expressing the opinion" that the regular troops now in this city ought to be forthwith removed therefrom." This of itself was a sufficient reason for not withdrawing the troops. But what was the duty of the President at the time the troops were ordered to this city? Ought he to have waited, before this precautionary measure was adopted, until he could obtain proof that a secret conspiracy existed to seize the capital? In the language of the select committee, this was "in a time of high excitement consequent upon revolutionary events transpiring all around us, the very air filled with rumors, and individuals indulging in the most extravagant expressions of fears and threats." Under these and other circumstances, which I need not detail, but which appear in the testimony before the select committee, I was convinced that I ought to act. The safety of the immense amount of public property in this city and that of the archives of the government, in which all the States, and especially the new States, in which the public lands are situated, have a deep interest; the peace and order of the city itself, and the security of the inauguration of the President elect, were objects of such vast importance to the whole country that I could not hesitate to adopt precautionary defensive measures. At the present moment, when all is quiet, it is difficult to realize the state of alarm which prevailed when the troops were first ordered to this city. This almost instantly subsided after the arrival of |