of its own purity and honour, I hope I shall be allowed respectfully to solicit, in behalf of myself, an inquiry into the charges to which I refer. Standing, in relation to the house, as both the member from Pennsylvania and myself do, it appears to me that here is the proper place to institute the inquiry, in order, that if guilty, here the proper punishment may be applied; and, if innocent, that here my character and conduct may be vindicated. I anxiously hope, therefore, that the house will direct an investigation to be made into the truth of the charges. Emanating from the source they do, this is the only notice which I can take of them. If the house shall think proper to raise a committee, I trust that some other than the ordinary mode pursued by the house, will be adopted to appoint the committee."

The committee's report is here subjoined.

"The select committee, to which was referred the com munication of the speaker, of the third instant, report—

"That, upon their first meeting, with a view to execute the duty imposed upon them by the house, they directed their chairman to direct a letter to the Hon. George Kremer, informing him that they would be ready, at a particular time therein stated, to receive any evidence or explanation he might have to offer, touching the charges referred to in the communication of the speaker, of the 3d instant. Their chairman, in conformity with this instruction, did address such a letter to Mr. Kremer, who replied, that he would make a communication to the committee; accordingly, he did send to them, through their chairman, a communication, which accompanies this re port, in which he declines to appear before them for either of the purposes mentioned in their letter; alleging, that he could not do so without appearing either as an accuser or a witness, both of which he protests against. In this

posture of the case, the committee can take no further steps. They are aware that it is competent to the house to invest them with power to send for persons and papers, and, by that means, to enable them to make any investigation which might be thought necessary; and, if they knew any reason for such investigation, they would have asked to be clothed with the proper power: but, not having themselves any such knowledge, they have felt it to be their duty only to lay before the house the communication which they have received.”

NOTE 6.

It is worthy of being remarked, that Mr. Clay's constituents gave repeated manifestations of their approval of his vote; and finally, in 1828, after a protracted and bitter canvass between Mr. Adams and General Jackson, by a large majority, voted for Mr. Adams, as he had done in February, 1825.

NOTE 7.

A letter, which Mr. Clay addressed to his friend, Judge Brooke, about that time, may serve as an index to his feelings. We subjoin it.

WASHINGTON, 28th Jan. 1825. My Dear Sir-My position, in relation to the presidential contest, is highly critical, and such as to leave me no path on which I can move without censure. I have pursued, in regard to it, the rule which I always observe in the discharge of my publick duty. I have interrogated my conscience as to what I ought to do, and that faithful

guide tells me that I ought to vote for Mr. Adams.

I

shall fulfil its injunctions. Mr. Crawford's state of health, and the circumstances under which he presents himself to the house, appear to me to be conclusive against him. As a friend to liberty and to the permanence of our institutions, I cannot consent, in this early stage of their existence, by contributing to the election of a military chieftain, to give the strongest guarantee that this republick will march in the fatal road which has conducted every other republick to ruin. I owe to your friendship this frank exposition of my intentions: I am, and shall continue to be, assailed by all the abuse, which partizan zeal, malignity, and rivalry, can invent. I shall view, without emotion, these effusions of malice, and remain unshaken in my purpose. What is a publick man worth, if he will not expose himself, on fit occasions, for the good of his coun. try?

As to the result of the election, I cannot speak with absolute certainty; but there is every reason to believe that we shall avoid the dangerous precedent to which I allude.

The Hon. F. BROOKE.

H. CLAY.

NOTE 8.

The paper here alluded to by Mr. Adams, is so beautiful, so eloquent, and so just, that it deserves to be held in remembrance. The gentlemen to whom it was written, had expressed, on his retirement from office, their confidence in his purity and his patriotism, and a hope that the evening of his days would be passed in that tranquillity which is only the lot of the good. He replied as follows: "Fellow-citizens-I have received your very kind let

ter of the 4th instant, written in behalf of the citizens, whose committee you are, and tender to you and to them my grateful thanks, for the sentiments you have been pleased to express, with regard to myself, and to the citizens associated with me in the late administration of the general government. The letters to Mr. Clay and Mr. Southard, enclosed in yours to me, have been delivered to them.

In a free republick, the first wish of every man invested with a publick trust, should be, by his faithful discharge of his duty to his constituents, to deserve, and the second to obtain, their approbation. For the first, depending, as it does, upon his own will, he is responsible to God and his country. For the second, depending, as it does, upon the will of others, he can be no further responsible than by the performance of his duties. As the re-election of a president of the United States, after one term of service, is the only manifestation of publick opinion by which the approbation of his fellow-citizens, upon his services can be ascertained, it is an object of laudable ambition, and of blameless desire. If it cannot be obtained by public service alone, the duty of the servant, who has failed to obtain the approbation of his masters, is cheerfully to acquiesce in that expression of their will by which it is denied, and calmly to await that final judgement upon his publick labours and aspirations, which speaks in the impartial voice of after ages.

"In the recent expressions of the will of the people of the Union, with regard to the general administration, it has been consolatory to me to observe the large and re ́spectable portion of them, who, though not composing a majority of the whole, yet comprised upwards of half a million of suffrages, and proclaimed by those suffrages, their approbation of my humble but faithful efforts to serve

my country. It has been peculiarly grateful to me to perceive, that the support of those who had extended to me their confidence in advance, has, in very few instances, been withdrawn; while that of whole states, which had judged less favourably before, has been generously yielded to me now. Of these, New-Jersey herself is one; and permit me to avail myself of this occasion, to extend to the whole of her pure, unsophisticated, truly republican, and intelligent population, my heartfelt thanks for that support. Let me add, that in one of her native sons I have found, as an assistant in the arduous duties of my station, a man with a heart as pure as it is given to human nature to possess-with a mind capable of those conceptions which lead nations to the paths of glory-with a promptitude and energy of action which disappointment cannot discourage, nor the infirmities of disease depress: the navy of this nation will remember him long. Nor is it, I trust, within the compass of political vicissitude, to withhold him long from participation in the highest councils of our country. I need not say it is one of those (Mr. Southard) to whom your enclosed letters were addressed.

"The other is equally worthy of the honour in which you have associated him with me by your letter. Upon him the foulest slanders have been showered. Long known and appreciated, as successively a member of both houses of your national legislature, as the unrivalled speaker, and, at the same time, most efficient leader of debates in one of them;-as an able and successful negotiator for your interests in war and in peace, with foreign powers, and as a powerful candidate for the highest of your trusts. The department of state itself was a station, which, by its bestowal, could confer neither profit nor honour upon him, but upon which he has shed unfading honour, by the manner in which he has discharged its duties. Prejudice and