mands to the Minister of Spain residing in London,-all in the same spirit of good will, towards the King of Spain and the Spanish Nation.

It is impossible to look at the existing relations between France and Spain, adverting to what has passed from the commencement of the year 1820, to the present moment, without being sensible of the unfortunately false position in which the King of Spain is placed; and that the spirit of Party in both Countries, having aggravated the National antipathy which antecedent circumstances had occasioned, is in a great measure the cause of the unfortunate irritation in Spain against France, to which His Excellency the Minister of France has adverted. The great object of His Majesty's Foreign Policy is to preserve Peace among Nations; He feels the most anxious interest for the happiness of His Catholick Majesty, and the honour of his Government; and it would be His sincere desire to allay that irritation.

But the British Government cannot but feel, that to make any Declaration on any of the Three Points referred to by His Excellency, without a previous accurate knowledge of all the circumstances which have occurred between the Two Countries, would be not only premature and unjust, but would probably be unavailing; and would in fact deprive His Majesty of the power of discussing and deciding upon the measures of His own Government in this Affair hereafter, when He should be better informed. His Majesty must either place himself in this painful position, or He must do, what would be equally painful to his feelings, require from His August Friend and Ally, the King of France, that He should submit his conduct to the advice and controul of His Majesty.

His Majesty's Government cannot think either alternative to be necessary; but are of opinion that a review of the obvious circumstances of the situation of France, as well as Spain, will show, that whatever may be the tone assumed towards France by the ruling Powers in Spain, they are not in a state to carry into execution any plan of real hostility. Considering that a Civil War exists in the whole extent of the Frontier which separates the two Kingdoms; that hostile Armies are in movement and in operation in every part of it; and that there is not a Town or Village on the French Frontier which is not liable to insult and injury, there is no Person who must not approve of the precaution which His Most Christian Majesty has taken in forming a Corps of Observation for the protection of his Frontier, and for the preservation of the tranquillity of his People.

His Britannick Majesty sincerely wishes that this measure may be effectual in attaining the objects for which it is calculated; and that the wisdom of the French Government will have induced them to explain it at Madrid, in such terms as will satisfy the Government of His Catholic Majesty of its necessity.

Such an explanation will, it is hoped, tend to allay, in some de gree, the irritation against France; and, on the other hand, it may be hoped, that some allowance will be made in France for the state of effervescence of men's minds in Spain, in the very crisis of a Revolution and Civil War.

A moment's reflection upon the relative power of the two States will show, that the real evil to which His Most Christian Majesty is exposed, is that resulting from the operations of the Civil War on the neighbouring Frontier of Spain; against which the measure which His Government have adopted is best calculated to preserve him.

Even revolutionary madness could not calculate upon the success of a serious attack by Spain upon France, under any circumstances which it is possible to suppose to exist at present in the latter Kingdom. But the attention of the Spanish Government is now occupied by a Civil War, the operations of which certainly justify the formation of a Corps of Observation in France; and it is not very probable that they would, at this moment, desire to break with France.

Neither is it to be believed that, in their present situation, they would not desire still to enjoy the advantage of that countenance to their System, which the presence of the French Ambassador at the seat of Government must afford them.

His Majesty therefore considers any rupture by Spain, or any measure on Her part which may render necessary the immediate discontinuance of diplomatick relations by France, very improbable: and as His Majesty is quite unacquainted with what has passed between France and Spain since the month of April 1820; and His Government cannot know upon what grounds His Most Christian Majesty's Government may think proper to discontinue the diplomatick relations of France with Spain; or upon what grounds War may break out between the two Countries; it is impossible for them now to pronounce what advice they should consider it their duty to give to His Majesty, in case either or both of those events should occur.

His Majesty most anxiously wishes that such extremities may be avoided; and he feels convinced that the Government of His Most Christian Majesty will find means of avoiding them.

No. 5.-The Duke of Wellington to Mr. Sccy. Canning.-(Rec. Nov. 21.) (Extract.) Verona, November 12, 1822.

I HAVE little to report as having occurred on the Spanish Question, since I wrote to you on the 5th instant.

But I inclose to you a Memorandum on what is passing here, which I send to Sir Charles Stuart by this occasion.

(Inclosure) — M morandum of the Duke of Wellington. (Extract.) Verona, November 12, 1822. On the 20th of October, the French Minister gave in a Paper, requiring from the Ministers of the Allies to know, whether, if France should be under the necessity of withdrawing her Minister from Spain, the other Allied Powers would do the same? In case France should be involved in War with Spain, what countenance the Allies would give the former? And in case France should require it, what assistance ?

To these Questions the Three Continental Allies answered on the 30th of October, that they would act as France should, in respect to their Ministers in Spain, and would give to France every countenance and assistance She should require ;—the cause for such assistance, and the period and the mode of giving it, being reserved to be specified in a Treaty.

The Minister of Great Britain answered, that having no knowledge of the cause of dispute, and not being able to form a judgment upon an hypothetical case, he could give no answer to any of the Questions.

The mode of communicating with Spain was considered on the 31st, with a view to prevent a Rupture between France and Spain. It was agreed that the Minister of each of the Four Continental Courts at Madrid should present a separate Note of the same tenour, and drawn up on the same principles; and on the 1st of November it was settled, that the Four Courts should draw up their Notes, and communicate them to the British Minister; who should, upon seeing these Notes, make known the line which his Court would take.

Since that Meeting, it is understood that the plan of proceeding proposed and agreed to, has been altered. Instead of Official Notes to be presented by the several Ministers at Madrid to the Spanish Government, it is now intended that Despatches shall be written to those Ministers respectively, in which the several Courts will express their wishes and intentions: this mode of proceeding is adopted, as affording greater latitude for discussion and explanation than that by Official Notes.

Accordingly, Monsieur de Montmorency has prepared the Draft of his Despatch; and it is understood that the Ministers of the Continental Powers are preparing theirs.

These are the facts which have occurred at the existing Congress. In the course of the Discussions which have taken place upon this occasion, a marked difference of opinion as to the mode of action has appeared between the Continental Courts on the one hand, and England on the other.

The Minister of the latter Power has recommended that France, and the Powers which should interfere in this case, should confine themselves to what may properly be called the external Quarrel between France and

Spain; should not menace; and above all should not approach Spain in the form of Enemies, bound in a Treaty of Defensive Alliance against her.

No. 6.-The Duke of Wellington to Mr. Secy. Canning.-(Rec. Dec. 6.) (Extract.) Verona, November 22, 1822.

I INCLOSE the Minute of the Answer which I returned to the Ministers of the Allies on the 20th inst. when they communicated to me the Despatches which they proposed to write to the Ministers of their several Courts at Madrid.

(Inclosure.)-Minute of the Duke of Wellington.

Verona, November 20, 1822.

WHEN the Ministers of the Five Courts last assembled on the 1st instant, the object of their common solicitude was, to allay the irritation existing in Spain against France, and to prevent a possible rupture between the two Powers.

Although His Majesty's Government did not consider themselves sufficiently informed, either of what had already taken place between France and Spain, or of what might occasion a Rupture, to be able to answer in the affirmative, the Questions submitted to the Conference by His Excellency the Minister of France; yet, knowing the anxiety of the King my Master, for the honour of His Most Christian Majesty, and for the preservation of the Peace of the World, I was willing to enter into the consideration of the measures proposed, with a view to attain our common object.

It was settled, that the Notes to be prepared according to the Proposition of His Highness the Austrian Minister, and to be presented to the Spanish Government on this occasion, should be communicated to me, in order that I might see, whether, consistently with the view which the King had invariably taken of the Affairs of Spain, and with the Principles which had governed His Majesty's conduct in relation to the internal concerns of other Countries, His Majesty's Government could take any part which might forward the common purpose of preserving the general tranquillity.

The Ministers of the Allied Courts have thought proper to make known to Spain the sentiments of their respective Sovereigns, by Despatches addressed to the Ministers of their several Courts, residing at Madrid, instead of by Official Notes,-as a mode of communication less formal, and affording greater facility of discussion.

These Despatches, it appears, are to be communicated in extenso to the Spanish Government.

The origin, circumstances, and consequences of the Spanish Revolution, the existing state of affairs in Spain,-and the conduct of those who have been at the head of the Spanish Government, may have endangered the safety of other Countries, and may have excited

the uneasiness of the Governments, whose Ministers I am now addressing; and those Governments may think it necessary to address the Spanish Government upon the topicks referred to in these Despatches.

These sentiments and opinions have certainly been entertained by the Three Cabinets of Austria, Prussia, and Russia, for a considerable period of time; and the British Government duly appreciates the forbearance and deference for the opinions of other Cabinets, which have dictated the delay to make these communications, to the present moment. But having been delayed till now, I would request those Ministers to consider, whether this is the moment at which such remonstrances ought to be made; whether they are calculated to allay the irritation against France, and to prevent a possible rupture; and whether they might not with advantage be delayed to a later period.

They are certainly calculated to irritate the Government of Spain; to afford ground for a belief, that advantage has been taken of the irritation existing between that Government and France, to call down upon Spain the power of the Alliance; and thus to embarrass still more the difficult position of the French Government.

The result of these communications will probably be, that the diplomatick relations between the Three Allied Courts and Spain will be discontinued,-whatever may be the state of the Questions between France and Spain: this occurrence cannot assist the cause of France; as those Questions will stand upon their own ground, and the Government of France must decide them upon their own merits.

But these communications are not only calculated to embarrass the French Government, but likewise that of the King, my Master. His Majesty feels sincerely for the King and the People of Spain; He is anxious to see a termination of the evils and misfortunes by which that Country is afflicted; and that it should be prosperous and happy. His Majesty likewise earnestly desires, that the usual relations of amity and good neighbourhood may be re-established between France and Spain; and His Majesty's Government would have been anxious to co-operate with those of His Allies, in allaying the existing irritation, and in preventing a possible rupture.

But His Majesty's Government are of opinion, that to animadvert upon the internal transactions of an Independent State, unless such transactions affect the essential interests of His Majesty's Subjects, is inconsistent with those Principles on which His Majesty has invariably acted on all Questions relating to the internal concerns of other Countries; that such animadversions, if made, must involve His Majesty in serious responsibility, if they should produce any effect; and must irritate, if they should not: and, if addressed, as proposed, to the Spanish Government, are likely to be injurious to