of human life, in the transport of Slaves from the Coast of Africa to the Colonies, are increased in a ratio enormously greater than the increase of positive numbers. It would seem as if those who continue this abominable Traffick, had a malicious pleasure in defeating the calculations of benevolence, and in visiting upon the innocent victims of their avarice, the fruitless endeavours to rescue those victims from their power.

Unhappily it cannot be denied, that our very attempts at prevention, imperfect as they yet are under the Treaties which now authorize our interference, tend to the augmentation of this evil. The dread of detection suggests expedients of concealment productive of the most dreadful sufferings to a Cargo, with respect to which it hardly ever seems to occur to its remorseless Owners, that it consists of Sentient Beings. The numbers put on board in each venture, are so far from being proportioned to the proper capacity of the Vessel, that the probable profits of each voyage are notoriously calculated only on the survivors; and the mortality is, accordingly, frightful to a degree unknown, since the attention of mankind was first called to the horrors of this Traffick.

To these enormous, and I am afraid, even growing evils, we have nothing to oppose, but the Declaration of the Congress at Vienna; our Treaties with Spain and The Netherlands, abolishing the Trade definitively and totally; and that with Portugal, restricting the Portuguese Slave Trade to the South of the Line.

The provisions of those Treaties are about to receive a beneficial extension, by an Article which those Governments, respectively, have agreed to add to them; inflicting the same penalties of capture and confiscation on Vessels on board of which Slaves may have been, as on those on board of which Slaves are actually found at the time of visiting them.

I inclose a Copy of this proposed Article to His Majesty's Missions at the Courts of The Hague, Madrid, and Lisbon.

I inclose also a Copy of the proposed Article, the object of which is to procure a further extension of the same principle, by admitting the peculiar fitting up of a Slave Ship, as evidence of the purpose, and proof of the criminality of its voyage.

It is, in truth, absurd to talk of prevention, if the Vessel must actually have completed the purpose of its voyage, before that purpose, however evident, can be suspected; and if, while the having on board a single Negro is to be conclusive proof of guilt, manifest preparations for the reception of hundreds are not to be considered as leading to a presumption of it.

But even when all this is done, little, very little way is made towards the accomplishment of our Great Work, so long as Portugal

continues the Trade with half the Continent of Africa,-and so long as France is determinately opposed to any further Measures of restriction.

As to France, I fear, that so far from any advantage being likely to be obtained by the separate urgency of the British Government with that of His Most Christian Majesty, every fresh representation does but irritate and confirm the spirit of resistance, and tend to convert more and more, a Question of moral duty and political obligation, into one of national pride.

It is necessary to take this plain, though discouraging view of the situation of this great Question, because neither the past efforts of His Majesty's Government, nor those which your Grace is directed to make at the present Congress, can be viewed in their just light; if it is supposed that they have been, or are to be, employed altogether upon willing or even upon unprejudiced minds; or that the failure to produce the desired effect, is to be attributed to want of zeal or of importunity on our part.

It is the truth (however lamentable or incredible) that by the testimony of the French Government itself, there is no Publick Feeling, -none, on this subject in France, which responds in the smallest degree to the sentiment prevalent in England;—that no credit is given to the People, or to the Legislature of this Country, for sincerity in those sentiments; that our anxiety upon the matter is attributed to a calculation of National Interest; and that a new Law, formed on a proposition from England for new Restrictions on the illicit Slave Trade, would, at this moment, infallibly be thrown out in the Legislature of France.

It has been recommended by Persons, laudably anxious for the attainment of the great object in view, that the Congress should declare the carrying on of the Slave Trade to be Piracy. But does there appear the slightest probability that the French Plenipotentiaries would concur in a position, qualifying as acts of Piracy, acts which the French are committing every day, and laying open the Ships and Properties of those Subjects, not merely to a right of visit to be mutually exercised, but to sweeping uncompensated capture by the Cruizers of Great Britain?

Would such a Declaration by Powers who have no Colonies of their own, carry great weight? and would not an assumption on the part of the Congress, of a pretension to legislate on matters of Publick Law, and to establish a new Principle of Maritime Police, excite, in other Powers, a disposition to demur to its jurisdiction?

There is a minor degree of coercion, which is undoubtedly within the right, as well as the power of the Sovereigns, which has been more than once pressed upon their attention. It is that they should, each in their Dominions, whether severally, or by joint compact, pro

hibit the introduction of Colonial Produce from the Colonies of States which have not legally and effectually abolished the Slave Trade.

This would be attended with some immediate, and perhaps with greater ultimate good effect; and this would be done in the exercise of an undoubted and legitimate Authority, which even those who might suffer by it, could not call in question.

The principal advantages then to be derived from the union of Sovereigns to the cause of the Abolition, appear to resolve themselves into these two:

1st, An Engagement on the part of the Continental Sovereigns to mark their abhorrence of this accursed Traffick, by refusing admission into their Dominions of the produce of Colonies belonging to Powers who have not abolished, or who notoriously continue the Slave Trade.

2d, A Declaration in the names, if possible, of the whole Alliance, but, if France shall decline being a Party to it, then, in the names of the Three other Powers, renewing the denunciation of the Congress of Vienna, and exhorting the Maritime Powers, who have abolished the Slave Trade, to concert Measures among themselves for proclaiming it, and treating it, as Piracy;-with a view to founding upon the aggregate of such separate Engagements between State and State, a general Engagement to be incorporated into the Publick Law of the Civilized World.

Such a Declaration, as it assumed no binding force, would not be obnoxious to the charges which would attach to a Declaration of new Publick Law, by an incompetent Authority; while at the same time its moral influence might materially aid us in our Negociations with other Maritime States.

We could have no difficulty in consenting, that Subjects of The United Kingdom found trading in Slaves should be treated as Pirates, upon a reciprocal admission of the same Principle by other Powers.

No. 3.-The Duke of Wellington to Mr. Secy. Canning.—(Rec. Dec. 9.) (Extract.) Verona, Nov. 29, 1822.

I INCLOSE you the Procotols of the Conferences, and the several Papers annexed, on the Slave Trade.

You will observe that what I intended should be a General Declaration, is in the shape of Resolutions; and that there is no Separate Declaration upon any of the Points, by the several Powers who agree to them.

(First Inclosure.)-PROCES VERBAL de la Conférence relative à l'Abolition de la Traite des Nègres, &c.

(Extrait.) Vérone, le 24 Novembre, 1822. MESSIEURS les Plénipotentiaires d'Autriche, de France, de La Grande Bretagne, de Prusse et de Russie, se sont réunis ce jour, pour

prendre connaissance de la Communication que M. le Duc de Wellington a faite au nom du Gouvernement Britannique, telle qu'elle se trouve ci-annexée.

Elle avait pour objet la continuation déplorable du Commerce des Nègres, en dépit des Déclarations, des Lois et des Traités, qui ont interdit et condamné ce Commerce depuis 1815. M. le Duc de Wellington a présenté dans son Mémoire des observations sur ce qu'il regarde comme les causes du mal, et il a indiqué différentes Mesures qui pourraient y mettre un terme.

M. Le Comte de Nesselrode a déclaré au nom de Sa Majesté l'Empereur de Toutes les Russies, que Sa Majesté Impériale ne désavouerait jamais les principes et les sentimens, qui Lui avaient fait envisager de tout tems la Traite des Nègres comme un Commerce réprouvé par la religion, la justice et l'humanité; et qu'Elle était prête à concourir aux Mesures, que Ses Alliés jugeraient exécutables pour assurer l'Abolition totale et définitive de ce Commerce.

Messieurs les Plénipotentiaires d'Autriche, de France et de Prusse, ont également déclaré, que leurs Souverains persistaient dans les principes en faveur desquels Ils s'étaient prononcés dès le Congrès de Vienne; et on est convenu de consacrer de nouveau ces principes, par une Déclaration analogue à celle du 8 Février 1815.

Quant aux Mesures particulières proposées par M. le Duc de Wellington, Messieurs les Plénipotentiaires de France se sont réservés d'en faire l'objet de leurs réflexions, et de soumettre les résultats de ces réflexions à une Conférence prochaine.

(Annexed to First Inclosure.)-MEMORANDUM of The Duke of

Wellington.

THOSE Ministers who had the honour of representing His Britannick Majesty at the Conferences at Vienna, at Paris, and at Aix-laChapelle, called the attention of the Sovereigns and of their Ministers, upon each of these occasions, to the state of the Slave Trade; but there never was a moment, at which it was more important that their attention should be drawn to this subject, than the present.

In the year 1815, after a solemn deliberation, in which the Ministers, representing the Eight Powers which signed the Treaty of Paris, of May, 1814, took a part, they unanimously expressed their desire to put an end to a scourge which had so long desolated Africa, degraded Europe, and afflicted Humanity.

Of these Eight Powers, Seven have passed Laws, having for their

object entirely to prevent the Subjects of their several States from engaging in this Traffick :-One only (Portugal) still permits it in its own Territories and Factories, South of the Equator, but has prohibited the Trade by Its Subjects, North of the Equator; and all the Maritime Powers of Europe, and The United States of America, as well as the South American Governments, with the exception of Brazil, have equally, by Law, prohibited their Subjects and Citizens from carrying it on.

Yet I have the means of proving that this Traffick has been, since the year 1815, and is at this moment, carried on to a greater extent, than it had been at any former period; that in seven months of the year 1821, not less than 38,000 human beings were carried off from the Coast of Africa in hopeless and irremediable Slavery, and that not less than 352 vessels entered the Rivers and Ports of Africa, North of the Equator, to purchase Slaves between July 1820, and October 1821. Each of these was calculated to carry off from 5 to 600 Slaves.

Surely then, it is time that the Sovereigns, whose Ministers assist at this Conference, should mark their continued sense of the horrors of this Trade, and should take some Measures, which shall be effectual to put an end to a Traffick so revolting, as that the very mention of its result is sufficient to afflict humanity, without adverting to any of its disgusting details, which are but too well known to all those to whom this Paper is addressed.

It is obvious that this crime is committed in contravention of the Laws of every Country of Europe, and of America, excepting only of one, and that it requires something more than the ordinary operation of Law to prevent it.

Portugal is the only Country in the World, which now, by Law, permits a Trade in Slaves, and that only in its own Factories and Territories South of the Equator; and as there is no legal sale for Slaves, imported in Slave Ships, excepting in the Portuguese Colonies, which are generally South of the Equator, the whole trade North of the Equator, whether in the purchase, sale, or transport of Slaves, is forbidden by the Law of every Country in Europe, and is contraband.

But it is not carried on with the usual secrecy of a Contraband Trade. This Contraband Trade is carried on generally under the protection of the Flag of France. The reason is obvious.-France is the only one of the great Maritime Powers of Europe whose Government has not entered into the Treaties, which have been concluded with His Britannick Majesty, for giving to certain of the Ships of each of the Contracting Parties, a limited power of search and capture of Ships engaged in this horrible Traffick; and those employed in this service have too much respect for the Flag of France, to venture, excepting in cases of extraordinary suspicion, to search the vessels which sail under its protection.