of incorporation for that purpose;" and again and again did the people from that portion of the State whose nearest, most direct and best market was St. Louis, petition the legislature to grant charters for railroads across the State from Vincennes, Terre Haute and other points on the Wabash, to terminate at a point opposite St. Louis, but were as often refused, and bill after bill containing such charters were invariably rejected.

At the close of the winter session of 1849 the members of the general assembly, to the number of 18 or 20, representing that belt of counties across the State opposite St. Louis, mainly affected by this exclusive policy, issued a stirring address to their constitnents and all the section immediately concerned, setting forth that justice had been denied them by the legislature, and strongly ap pealing to them to send delegates to the number of not less than ten from each county to a railroad convention to be held in Salem in June, 1849, to take into consideration their grievances, and devise such measures as might be deemed necessary in the emergency to secure for their section those rights under the constitution from which they had been so unjustly debarred. To the north, it was charged, nothing had been refused, while to the south nearly everything had been denied-but not by northern votes alone!

The convention met at the appointed time and was attended by a large concourse of people; at least 4,000 earnest men were assembled, and over 1,000 delegates from the counties aggrieved. ExGov. Zadock Casey presided. Mr. Wait, of Bond county, presented an able address, setting forth in apt language the griev ances of that belt of country across the State through which the Ohio and Mississippi railroad would run, pointing out the advantages of St. Louis as a market, and boldly declaring the interests of that section of the State to be identical with those of that foreign city. The exclusive policy of the legislature was rebuked in severe terms for denying them the railroad charters which they sought for their section; the governor was requested to convene the legislature in extraordinary session, and a general railroad incorporation act, with liberal provisions, was demanded from it; and finally the people throughout the country were recommended to assemble in their home districts and take steps to urge these measures without ceasing.

It was generally supposed at this time that the governor would convene the legislature for the purpose of electing a United States senator in place of Gen. Shields, rejected by the senate in March previous for want of eligibility. As anticipated, the governor, on the 4th of September, issued his proclamation for a special session in October, 1849, inviting action upon several subjects, among them the establishment of a general railroad incorporation law.

To counteract the influence of the Salem convention, a "State policy" meeting was called at Hillsboro, in Montgomery county, for the 20th of July, 1849, to consider and take action in reference to railroads crossing the State east and west, and terminating at suitable points for building up commercial cities and towns within the borders of our own State. The convention did not meet, however, until October. For the occasion an immense barbecue was prepared, and it was said some 12,000 people attended. Many public men and politicians participated in the proceedings, and

much bombast, portraying the great question of "State policy" in glowing colors, was indulged. Among the participants may be noted the names of Joseph Gillespie, Robert Smith, Cyrus Edwards, A. N. Starbird, W. Pickering, Gen. Thornton, W. D. Latshaw, and others. These names show that the Alton interest was largely represented. Resolutions were adopted in favor of the "policy;" approving the action of the legislature at its last session in refusing charters to railroads leading to St. Louis; condemning the call of the extra session of the general assembly by the governor for that month, and asking its immediate adjourn ment after the election of a United States senator, without acting upon any other question.

Here it may be mentioned that the action of the Missouri legislature contributed not a little to incense the people of Illinois against St. Louis. That body had, in the winter of 1849, preceding, passed an act levying tribute upon all property sold within the limits of Missouri, being the growth, produce or manufacture of any State other than her sovereign self. The amount of saletax required to be paid was $4 50 on every $1,000 worth of merchandize sold, for 6 months from and after the 21st of August, 1849. Commission merchants in charging this amount back to their consignors, were required to make out sworn returns, much, it is presumed, after the manner of our late government income tax. It was estimated upon accurate data, that the commerce of Illinois alone, in the market of St. Louis, would yield, by this sale tax, $150,000 annually to the treasury of Missouri. It was a scheme by which to lift the burden of government and taxation from the people of Missouri, where it belonged, and impose it upon the people of Illinois, Iowa and Minnesota. A law so obnoxious to every principle of justice, gave immediate rise to much dissatisfaction and clamor among the people, with severe denunciation of the offending State by the press; it is but just to say, however, that the press of St. Louis also contemned the law and its enactors, charging that the legislature of Missouri, was controlled by influences outside of and antagonistic to that city, rather than promotive of her interests. The law was clearly inimical to the constitution of the United States. Such a tax if at all admissable, congress alone has the power to levy, on condition that it be made uniform throughout the United States. Subsequently the supreme court of Missouri set the law aside. But it may be well imagined that it contributed not a little in arousing feeling and prejudice among our people and law-makers against St. Louis. The dike, too, afforded an opportunity to array prejudice against that city, and neither was slowly taken advantage of.

The legislature, at the called session of October, 1849, again refused special charters to the Vincenues and St. Louis railroad, a general railroad incorporation law was however established, but so defective in its provisions that no company could well organize or operate under it without further legislation. The subjoined declaration of principles of State policy, drawn up by Wesley Sloan, of Pope, the sage of Golconda, which passed the house, Nov. 3, 1849, by 43 to 27, and the senate with only 2 dissenting votes, illustrates the animus of the legislature upon the subject of railroads, better than anything else:

Resolved 1st. That the geographical position of the State of Illinois, considered in connection with the construction of railroads within her limits, is one of the greatest natural advantages which she possesses, and which under a judicious system of legislative policy must be very instrumental in promoting her general welfare as a State.

"2d. That the prosperity of a State or nation, consists not only in the virtue and intelligence of a brave and energetic people; in the richness of her soil and mineral resources, but also in the number and extent of her flourishing towns, cities and villages.

"3d. That any internal improvement, whether constructed under a general or special law, tending in its operation to impede the growth and prospects of cities, towns and villages, within our own borders, ought not to be encouraged.

"4th. That the construction which should be given to the 6th section of the 10th article of the constitution is, that the general assembly shall encourage improvements that are of an internal character and advantage, and not such as are mainly intended to promote external interests. "5th. That a railroad commencing at our eastern boundary, running across the State and terminating at a point on the Mississippi river opposite St. Louis, and also uniting with continous lines of railroads extending eastwardly through our sister States, either to Cincinnati or the Atlantic cities, would be immensely advantageous to St. Louis, at the same time 'that it would impede the growth and prosperity of the cities, towns and other localities on the Illinois side of the Mississippi river.'

"6th. That the connection of the Mississippi river by continuous lines of railroads with the Atlantic seaboard, is of vital importance to the whole Union, and we willingly invite the construction of railroads passing through other States, to our eastern boundary, promising to grant to them the right of way, and reserving to ourselves only the privilege of fixing the termini; a privilege we constitutionally claim, and which we are entitled to exercise by reason of our geographical position.

"7th. That the construction of the great Central Railroad is a subject of vast importance to Illinois, and all laws, having for their object the completion of the same on proper principles, ought to be encouraged; provided such laws do not infringe too much upon our natural advantages growing out of the geographical position of the State."*

The passage of these resolutions by the very decided majorities we have noted, was rather alarming. And now the internal policy of the State, so emphatically announced, was attacked without gloves by the foreign press, and our own, partly, too. The newspapers of St. Louis and Cincinnati, directly affected by the refusal of the legislature to grant a charter to the Ohio & Mississippi Railroad Company, were unsparing in their abuse. The State policy was denounced as selfish, narrow and contemptiblewe were re-enacting the fable of the dog in the manger. The press of New York chiming in, characterized our "State policy" as unreasonable, vain and churlish; we would neither help the parties affected by it, nor permit them to help themselves; to the great railroads pushing their lines from the Atlantic cities westward, conferring permanent benefit and untold wealth along their routes, when they arrived upon our eastern border we exclaimed in the blindness of our own interests, thus far shalt thou go and no farther, because they wanted to go to St. Louis, the great commercial centre on the Mississippi. It was urged that Illinois stood in the light of her own interests; that our shortsighted policy was proving ruinous to the south and middle parts of the State; that it was the Alton influence, as opposed to St. Louis, which had produced the conflict between the three sections

See laws of Special Session, 1849.

of the State, but that after all the north was taking advantage of it, using Alton to pull the chestnuts out of the fire for Chicago. Alton had been ambitious of commercial distinction for many years, always waiting Micawber-like for some fortuitous circumstances, or involved in some ingenious schemes to accomplish this grand object. But these, without energy, labor and capital will not alone succeed in building up a great city. It will be remembered by the reader that the State bank in 1835 was bankrupted within two years after it started by its efforts to supply the capital to monopolize the lead mines of Galena, divert all the up-river trade from St. Louis, and build up Alton, nearly opposite the mouth of the Missouri, as the emporium of the Mississippi valley. The completion of the canal, also, it was fondly hoped, would check the prosperity of St. Louis. Canal boats, it was main tained, might with safety and expedition be towed down as low as Alton, but the increased difficulties and dangers in the current of the Mississippi, below the mouth of the Missouri, would prevent their being taken to St. Louis, while freight could at all times be brought as cheaply from New Orleans to Alton as to St. Louis.

Thus by the deceptive cry of this grand internal State policy, and various combinations formed in consequence thereof, hostile legislation was evoked toward that part of the State which by nature is not so well adapted to the construction of railroads as the great prairie regions of the center and north, and which should rather have received the fostering care of friendly legislation than the blight of this policy, whose effects are not entirely removed to this day. The great northern portion of the State, seeking an outlet by railroads to markets on the lake, and mainly within our own borders, was not inimical to the exclusive policy; but while that region was liberally rewarded with railroad charters for its development, it was not without aid, infatuated let us hope, from the south to impose the "policy" upon the latter.

Notwithstanding this withering policy, and the just strictures upon it by our own and the foreign press, which disseminated a knowledge of it far and wide; and also that the State generally had been greatly retarded in her onward career by an enormous public debt, without equivalent, weighing her down like an incubus, there was not, as we approach the close of the decade terminating with 1850, another State in the Union increasing so rapidly in population, wealth and resources. Not Illinois alone, but the entire northwest was settling up rapidly. The whole of this vast wilderness in 1820, contained only about 850,000 souls, (being less than Illinois had in 1850), while now it numbered 5,000,000. The action of steam had cheapened and immeasurably increased the speed of transportation and immigration. The comple tion of the canal had given an impetus to the agricultural resources of Illinois, long needed. It had also been indirectly a means of wonderfully improving her financial affairs. With the advent of Gov. Ford's administration, it was officially announced that there was not money enough in the State treasury to pay postage on a letter. Since then the new loan of $1,600,000 had been made, with which the canal had been completed, yielding now an annual revenue in tolls of over $125,000; canal lands worth half million dollars had been sold, far above the appraisement; 3-5ths

of the 14 mill tax authorized in 1845 now paid $12 out of every $60 of annually accruing interest; and if the two mill tax authorized by the new constitution could have been diverted in that way the whole annual interest on the internal improvement debt proper could have been paid. Auditor's warrants were worth 95 cents on the dollar. Such was our improved condition at this time, brought about by a rigid economy in expenditures, a thorough system of retrenchment under the new constitution, and a wise administration of public affairs under Govs. Ford and French.

And now came in addition such glad tidings which, but for the thorough schooling in the serigid economies and dearly bought experiences, might have sent us again headlong into a wild course of profligacy and schemes of infatuation. This was the magnificent donation by congress of some 3,000,000 acres of land to the State, which secured the building the Illinois Central Railroad; also at the same session, the grant to the State of all the unsold swamp lands within her limits, estimated at 1,500,000 acres; and what was also of incalculable benefit to many a family, the act of Congress granting bounty land to the brave men who periled their lives in the but recently closed Mexican war. With these encouraging and hopeful aids, joined to an ever thronging emigration pouring in upon our rich prairies, stifling legislation could no longer retard our march to empire.

In the fall of 1850, a new legislature, fresh from a new people— new in great accessions, and also in that they had cast off their garments of despondency, and were full of hope-was elected. This body met in January, 1851, and while it did not inconsider ately crowd important bills through, performed a great deal of labor, giving life to those measures which have become the instruments of an enduring greatness to this empire State, and from which, with proper additions since, we behold to-day unfolding the full glory of a grand future. These instruments were mainly important railroad charters, which in number were even then said to mark up the surface of the State into a network of these improvements.

The incubus of "State policy" was not altogether shaken off, but a good beginning was made by granting a charter to the Ohio and Mississippi railroad company. Mr. Douglas, taking a broader view than the confines of Illinois, was prompted to address a letter from Washington to Uri Manly, of Coles, saying if he were a legislator he would certainly grant a charter for the proposed road from Illinoistown to Terre Haute, and also to Vincennes, and to other lines across the State when any considerable portion of the people desired it. He would give a preference to the towns and cities of Illinois where it could be done without injury or injustice to others, but he would never sacrifice the great agricultural interests for the benefit of a much smaller interest in the towns. The country was not made for the towns, but the towns for the convenience of the country.* The Hon. Y. R. Young, M. C., also wrote to Mr. W. S. Waite, of Bond county, that good faith on the part of the legislature required them to charter all cross railroads contemplated, as most probably the Illinois Central railroad grant of land would not have been obtained if the delegation in congress had withheld the positive assurance that the State would change • Vide Ill. Reg., Jan., 1851.