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same, as took place in our revolution. He proceeds then to establish that form of government, dependence and subordination, which should accord with the good of the service, and happiness of the colony. For this purpose he substitutes a Cabildo, in place of the ancient council, and instead of former analogous officers, he says there shall be Alferes, Alcades, Alguazils, Depositors, Regidors, a Scrivener, Procurator, Mayordomo, &c.; adopting thus the Spanish instead of the French organization of officers, for the administration of the laws. He changes the manner of proceedings in judicial trials, and of pronouncing judgments, according to a digest made by Unestia and Rey, by his order, until a general knowledge of the Spanish language and more extensive information on the statutes themselves might be acquired; prescribes rules for instituting actions by parties, of different denominations, the names and substance of the pleadings, rules for appearances, answers, replications, rejoinders, depositions, witnesses, exceptions, trials, judgments, appeals, executions, testaments, probates, advancements, and distributions: not changing the great outlines of the law, or the ratio decidendi generally; but merely the organization of officers, and forms of their proceeding. He states also the criminal law, what it is in sundry cases of irreligion, treason, murder, theft, rape, adultery, and trespass, proclaiming mostly what was already law; lastly, he establishes the fees of officers, and with that closes the proclamation, without a word said about abolishing the French, and substituting the Spanish code of laws generally. As far then as this instrument makes any special changes, its authority is acknowledged. But the very act of making special changes is a manifestation that a general one was not then intended. He did not mean by this instrument to change all and some.' One may indeed conjecture, from loose expressions in the instruments, that a more extensive change was in contemplation for some future time, when the inhabitants, as it says, should have acquired a general knowledge of the Spanish language. But until then expressly, and in the interim, the innovations it specifies are the only ones introduced. The great system of law which

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*regulates property, which prescribes the rights of persons and things, and sanctions to every one the enjoyment of those rights, is left untouched, in full force and authority. If such a radical change were really meditated, it was never carried into execution; nor seems at any after time to have occupied seriously the attention of government. In the following year 1770, O'Reilly issued an additional ordinance respecting grants of lands; and Carondelet, in 1795, (26 years after the possession of the colony, and a year only before its transfer to us,) passed an ordinance of police, concerning bridges, roads, levees, slaves, coasters, travellers, arms, estrays, fishing and hunting; and these three acts seem to constitute the whole of the changes made in the established system of laws during the Spanish occupation of the country. Probably the Spanish authorities found, in the progress of their administration, that the difference between the French and Spanish codes, taken both from the same Roman original, would not justify disturbing the public mind, by a formal suppression of the one, and substitution of the other. Probably the officers themselves, not adepts in either, and partly French, and partly Spanish individuals, confounded them in practice as they found convenient; and hence the ill-defined ideas of what their laws were. But certainly when we appeal, as in the present case, to exact right, the French code is the only one sanctioned by regular authority; and the special changes before mentioned, of organization and police, having no relation to the beds and increments of rivers, that code is to give us the law of the present case. That code, like all those of middle and southern Europe, was originally feudal, [Encyclop. Method. Jurisprudence. Coutume. 400.] with some variations in the different provinces, formerly independent, of which the kingdom of France had been made up. But as circumstances changed, and civilization. and commerce advanced, abundance of new cases and questions arose, for which the simple and unwritten laws of feudalism had made no provision. At the same time, they had at hand the legal system of a nation highly civilized, a system carried to a degree of conformity with natural

Roman.

reason attained by no other.

The study of this system too was

become the favorite of the age, and, offering ready and reasonable solutions of all the new cases presenting themselves, was recurred to by a common consent and practice; not indeed as laws, formally established by the legislator of the country, but as a RATIO SCRIPTA, the dictate, in all cases, of that sound reason which should constitute the law of every country.† Over both of these systems, however, the occasional* edicts of 24* the monarch are paramount, and amend and control their provisions whenever he deems amendment necessary; on the general principle that 'leges posteriores priores abrogant. Subsequent laws abrogate those which were prior. sition of the French code is affirmed by all their authorities. One only of them shall be particularly cited, to wit, Ferriere Dict. de droit. Ordonnance.

This compo

The following instances will give some idea of the steps by which the Roman gained on the Feudal laws. A law of Burgundy provided that 'Si quis post hoc barbarus vel testari voluerit, vel donare, aut Romanam consuetudinem, aut barbaricam, esse servandam, sciat. If any barbarian subject hereafter shall desire to dispose by legacy or donation, let him know that either the Roman or barbarian law is to be observed.' And one of Lotharius II. of Germany, going still further, gives to every one an election of the system under which he chose to live. Volumus ut cunctus populus Romanus interrogatur quali lege vult vivere: ut tali lege, quali professi sunt vivere vivant: illisque denuntiatur, ut hoc unusquisque, tam judices, quam duces, vel reliquus populus sciat, quod si offensionem contra eandem legem fecerint, eidem legi, quâ profitentur vivere, subjaceant' 'We will that all the Roman people shall be asked by what law they wish to live: that they may live nnder such law as they profess to live by: and that it be published, that every one, judges, as well as generals, or the rest of the people, may know that if they commit offence against the said law, they shall be subject to the same law by which they profess to live.' Encyc. Method. Jurisprudence, Coutume. 399. Presenting the uncommon spectacle of a jurisdiction attached to persons, instead of places. Thus favored, the Roman became an acknowledged supplement to the feudal or customary law: but still, not under any act of the legislature, but as 'raison écrite,' written reason: and the cases to which it is applicable, becoming much the most numerous, it constitutes in fact the mass of their law.

Since this publication, Gen. Armstrong, our late Minister at Paris, has sent me a printed copy of Crozat's Charter in French, which he says he obtained directly, and in person from the depôt of laws in Paris, but which he had no means of comparing with the original. This printed copy, with Gen. Armstrong's letter, I have deposited in the office of the Secretary of State at Washington. MS. Note.

'Les Ordonnances sont les vraies

lois du royaume.
Elles font la
partie la plus générale et la plus
certaine de notre droit Français,
attendu qu'elles sont soutenues de
l'autorité aussi bien que de la rai-
son; au lieu que
les loix Romaines
ne subsistent que par leur équité,
elles n'ont par elles-mêmes aucune
autorité, qu'autant qu'elles sont con-
sidérées comme une raison écrite,
du moins en pays coutumier; et à
l'égard du pays de droit écrit, les
loix Romaines n'y ont force de loi,
que parceque nos rois ont bien voulu
y consentir.

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The Ordinances are the true laws of the kingdom. They constitute the most general and certain part of our French law, inasmuch as they are supported by authority as well as reason; whereas the Roman laws stand on their equity alone, having of themselves no authority, but as they are considered as written reason, at least in the provinces of Customary law. And as to those of written law, the Roman laws are in force only because our kings have thought proper to consent to it.

This system of law was transferred to Louisiana, as is evinced by the fcharter of Louis XIV. to Crozat, bearing date the *14th of Sept. 1712. The VIIth article of that is in these words. Our edicts, ordinances and customs, and the usages of the Mayorality and Shreevalty of Paris, shall be observed for laws and customs in the said country of Louisiana.' The customary law of Paris seems to have been selected, because considered as the best digest, and that to which it was proposed to reduce the customary law of all the provinces. Enc. Meth. Jurispr. Coutume. 405. This is the first charter we know of which established the boundaries and laws of Louisiana. It

The only copy of this Charter I have ever met with is in Joutel's Journal of La Salle's last voyage. An application was made by the government of the United States, through their minister at Paris, to the government of France, for permission to have the original of this charter sought for in their Archives, and an authentic copy obtained. The application was unsuccessful. We must resort, therefore, to this publication, made in 1714, two years after the date of the patent, under the rule of law which requires only the best evidence the nature of the case will admit. For although we may not appeal to books of history for documents of a nature merely private, yet we may for those of a public character, e. g. treaties, &c., and especially when those documents are not under our control, as when they are in foreign countries, or even in our own country, when they are not patent in their nature, nor demandable of common right.

says nothing of the Roman law; but that, having become incorporated, by usage, with the customs of Paris, and constituting, as a supplement, one system with them, seems to have been considered as of their body, and transferred with them to Louisiana.† In 1717, Crozat transferred his rights to the Compagnie d'Occident, at the head of which was the famous Law, 8. Raynal. 166. [edit. 1780.] which again in 1720, by union with others, became the Compagnie des Indes, who in 1731, surrendered the colony back to the king. 1. Valin, 20. But these various transfers from company to company, of the monopoly of their commerce, for that was the sum of what was granted them, and their final surrender to the king, could not affect the rights of the people, nor change the laws by which they were governed. When they returned to the immediate government of the king, their laws passed with them, and remained in full force until, and so far only as, subsequently altered by their legislator. That this was the sense of their *government may be inferred from a clause in the edict creating the Compagnie des Indes Occidentales, art. 34.

26*

If it be objected that the incorporation of the Roman law with the customs of Paris, and their joint transfer to Louisiana does not appear, I answer, 1. At the date of Crozat's charter, the Roman law had for many centuries been amalgamated with the customary law of Paris, made one body with it, and its principal part. By the customs of Paris were doubtless meant the laws of Paris, of which the Roman then made an important part, and might well be understood to be transferred with them. It was hardly intended that the new colonists were to unravel this web, and to take out for their own use only the fibres of Parisian customs, the least applicable part of the system to their novel situation. 2. If the term, coutumes de Paris in the charter be rigorously restrained to its literal import, yet the judges of Louisiana would have the same authority for appealing to the Roman as a supplementary code, which the judges of Paris and of all France had had; and even greater, as being sanctioned by so general an example. 3. The practice of considering the Roman law as a part of the law of the land in Louisiana, is evidence of a general opinion of those who composed that state, that it was transferred, and of an opinion much better informed, and more authoritative than ours can be. Or it may be considered as an adoption, by universal, though tacit consent, of those who had a right to adopt, either formally, or informally, as they pleased, as the laws of England were originally adopted in most of these states, and still stand on no other ground.

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