productions, treating of the principles of civil law, in conjunction with the ordinary maxims of moral philosophy.

From the close of the twelfth to the half of the thirteenth century, Denmark boasts of a number of learned men. But after this time literature and mental inquiry fell into a state of almost utter neglect, till about the middle of the fifteenth century. A few years after, the university of Copenhagen was founded, and, in a short period afterwards, the art of printing was introduced, which roused the dormant faculties of the nation. This made way for the introduction of the religious and political doctrines of the Reformation; and from that date to the present hour, there has been a gradual, though somewhat fitful, progress of liberal and enlightened views of political science in this country.

Soon after the establishment of the university, in 1478, we find, from some college class books, that the general polity of nations was studied in Denmark; but the range of subjects, and the manner of treating them, were very meagre and circumscribed. Some years afterwards the university course of studies took a more wholesome and efficient direction, under the government of Christian IV.; and historians tell us, that he was particularly anxious that enlightened views should be entertained and disseminated of the great principles of citizenship, by direct investigations into those subjects involved in the comprehensive motto which encircled his crown, "Salus populi su

prema lex."

It appears, however, that the liberality of this prince in giving a political direction to the youthful studies

of the community, did not meet with the countenance and approval of the landed aristocracy and the high church party. A hostile opposition was speedily organised; and it succeeded in giving a powerful check to the political writings of the day. The famous Tycho Brahe was sent into exile for the liberal cast of his political sentiments; and the Rev. Anders Sorensen Vedel, the editor of a collection of popular ballads, which breathed an air of freedom considered dangerous for the time, was deprived of his situation as royal historiographer; and several other distinguished men and ministers of religion lost their situations, and were doomed to linger out their existence in penury at home or abroad, for having expressed their political opinions too freely in their several writings. At the Revolution of 1660, political inquiry received a severe check; for the Danish people invested their sovereign with absolute power, and, in words the most emphatic, expressly declared that he was accountable only to Him to whom all princes and rulers are accountable.

After this suicidal act, enlightened and liberal investigations into political science were out of the question. Ole Rosenkrants ventured, however, to publish his "Apologia Nobilitatis Danica," in which he ably contended for the elective in opposition to an absolute monarchy; but for this bold act he was fined 20,000 rix dollars, besides incurring the royal displeasure. Professor Nold was likewise removed from his chair of divinity, for some liberal expressions on public freedom inserted in an elementary work on logic. This severe repressive policy prevailed to the end of the seventeenth century.

About the year 1600, NICHOLAS KRAAGIUS, pub

lished in Denmark his "De Republica Lacedemoniorum," and displayed in his other writings a very enlightened view of the nature and objects of civil society. From the establishment of the university of Copenhagen, till the end of the seventeenth century, we find about forty treatises on politics, published by professors of this seat of learning; many of these works being, however, only short dissertations on some particular branch of legislative science, or general class-books for academical purposes. The politics of Greece and Rome seem to have been always standard themes with the Danish savans; though they did occasionally think for themselves, and propound their own views of legislative principles of government. In one of these works, published at Copenhagen in 1601, we find the following enlightened remarks on the mutual relationship subsisting between the kingly office and the people. "Compulsory obedience, advanced by the transcendent power of prerogative, is invariably too weak to support of itself the right of government. It is the affections and estates of a community, bound with the threads of obedience by the rules of wholesome laws, that impart safety and perpetuity to a crown. In the experience of bygone ages, and in the reigns of the most powerful monarchies, this has been fully tested to be the most sovereign preservative against the diseases of popular tumult and confusion; demonstrating to the world that the true honour and glory of every throne is to command the respect and goodwill of the people at large."

The civil and religious principles of the Reformation soon found their way into Sweden, and received the support and confidence of Gustavus Vasa, in 1527.

Before this period, there had been taught, at most of the universities of this country, a liberal and enlightened system of political philosophy, chiefly from the writings of the Greek and Roman philosophers, incorporated with many principles of personal freedom growing out of the peculiar habits and customs of the northern nations.

There were several political disquisitions published in this country at the end of the sixteenth century. The politics of Aristotle were published in 1577; and Gothus, a professor of theology, discussed the connexion subsisting between ecclesiastical and civil law. Several small works issued from the university of Upsala, at the commencement of the next century, on the general polity of nations; but down to the period of which we are now treating, there was no regular treatise on politics, as a complete science, written in the Swedish tongue*.

* See Note E, at the end of the volume.

CHAPTER VI.

POLITICAL LITERATURE OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, FROM THE YEAR 1400, To 1700.

THERE was no country in Europe in which politics, as a science, underwent a more general investigation and scrutiny, within the period we are now treating of, than in Spain; a country which we have been led from infancy to consider as the most dark and bigoted among civilised nations, and the most unsusceptible of political illumination and improvement. We invariably consider it as a kingdom doomed to utter speculative darkness, and as having no resources within itself for legislative discussion or renovation, even of the most rudimental character. The bigotry of the priesthood, and the tortures of the inquisition, are ever before our eyes; and yet, strange to say, it is among some of these very inquisitors, that we find many elaborate treatises on the abstract principles of government, displaying a freedom of inquiry, and a degree of talent and learning, which would do honour to any country possessing the most tolerant spirit, and enjoying the most unfettered exercise of political rights and privileges. The fact is, there is no want of political knowledge of a philosophical stamp in Spain, but it must be confessed that it stands prominently contrasted with other neighbouring nations as