century, is somewhat striking. They nearly all seem to have run a parallel course, as to the discussion of the leading principles of the science of government; and, up to the period now under consideration, they were nearly all upon a level as to mere abstract acquirements in the doctrines of social polity. This equal measure of knowledge relates, however, only to matters of pure theory; as to the actual application of them to the exigencies of government, or to the full and scientific elucidation of all their bearings on the social interests of communities, there was a marked discrepancy among all the different nations of Europe. And here we shall take the liberty of making a remark or two on the political writers of our own country, to whom we are, at this hour, under such weighty obligations. We are apt, as a nation, it has been often said, to set a high value on our literary labours, in almost every department of human inquiry; and not, perhaps, without some good grounds for this national partiality. But making due allowance for whatever may be overcharged in our estimates on this point, we think it will not be denied by any qualified to sit in judgment on the question, that the political literature of Great Britain, taken as a whole, and for the three centuries now under consideration, is superior to that of any other country. It is more varied in its character, more profound and searching in its inquiries, more systematically arranged, and more copiously and eloquently illustrated, than anything we can find in the other countries of Europe. It displays a much greater portion of acute and vigorous intellect, than we can recognise elsewhere. Take the speculations of any one of the continental states, and contrast its political disquisitions with those of our own land, and we shall soon perceive the superiority of the latter in all that appertains to originality of conception, logical order, subtile analysis, and, above all, to the susceptibility of applying all political writing to the practical concerns of legislation and government. There was likewise a vigour, and a capacity for sustained efforts, displayed in the English mind which are not discernible in the political history of other nations. Indeed, when we contrast the personal courage, the lofty independence, the indomitable will, and the total disregard of consequences, when notions of duty were present, which stimulated the great majority of our writers to maintain their respective ideas of general polity, we cannot but see that they stand alone in the great theatre of political contention. They afford an interesting manifestation of the vast superiority of that national intellect, which is alike at home, whether in matters of theory or in practice. They have proved shining lights to all other nations. As a country we stand on a commanding eminence as cultivators of political knowledge. The writers of England have stemmed the tide of intolerance and ignorance, and burst asunder the fetters which would have confined our minds as well as our bodies in hopeless subjection. The vindication of general liberty, and the preservation of everything valuable in society, have been the fruits of their pen. Amid the fierce controversies of the day, and the collision of intellects, they have invariably been guided by the loftiest ideas of personal freedom, and national independence. There were other causes which sustained British writers in giving their labours a uniform and benefi cial direction. They had always a body of ancient law and political right to guide and direct them, and to rally round, whenever any serious attacks, either openly or covertly, were made on fundamental principles of government. They had not, at every step and emergency, to begin their political and social inquiries The maxims of the old philosophical lawyers and statesmen, the influence of tradition and custom, and the veneration and sanctity with which all classes viewed the long-established institutions of the country, opened to all writers of every shade of opinion, an easy access to the public feelings and minds of the people. de novo. |