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time, that the business of Parliament might go on; and agreed with me that such a resignation was improbable, and that it would be advisable not to dismiss them, unless some very particular opportunity presented itself.'-i. 301-5.

At length the India Bill offered this opportunity, and there was drawn up the following Memorandum, signed by the writer of the foregoing notes, and delivered to the King by Lord Thurlow on the 1st December, 1783:

1st Dec. 1783.-To begin with stating to His Majesty our sentiments upon the extent of the Bill, viz. :

We profess to wish to know whether this Bill appear to His Majesty in this light: a plan to take more than half the royal power, and by that means disable [the King] for the rest of the reign. There is nothing else in it which ought to call for this interposition.

Whether any means can be thought of, short of changing his Ministers, to avoid this evil.

• The refusing the Bill, if it passes the Houses, is a violent means. The changing his Ministers after the last vote of the Commons, in a less degree might be liable to the same sort of construction.

An easier way of changing his Government would be by taking some opportunity of doing it, when, in the progress of it, it shall have received more discountenance than hitherto.

This must be expected to happen in the Lords in a greater degree than can be hoped for in the Commons.

'But a sufficient degree of it may not occur in the Lords if those whose duty to His Majesty would excite them to appear are not acquainted with his wishes, and that in a manner which would make it impossible to pretend a doubt of it, in case they were so disposed.

By these means the discountenance might be hoped to raise difficulties so high as to throw it [out], and leave His Majesty at perfect liberty to choose whether he will change them or not.

This is the situation which it is wished His Majesty should find himself in.

'Delivered by Lord Thurlow, Dec. 1st, 1783. NUGENT TEMPLE.'*-i. 288.

The result was that Lord Temple was intrusted with a written communication of the King's opinion, which he was authorised to show, and which, no doubt, determined the House of Lords, already sufficiently indisposed to the India Bill, to throw it out. The ministry was changed; Lord Temple received the seals (Dec. 19), and was three days Secretary of State; just long enough to dismiss the old ministry and install the new one, and then resigned, and never again was in any office in England. The precise cause of that resignation is still a mystery, which we had hoped these papers would have cleared up, but, by taking no notice of it,

The opening line, and the note at the foot, are in the hand-writing of Lord Temple; the body of the memorandum is in a different and not very legible hand.'


they leave it darker than it was. Bishop Tomline, in his Life of Pitt (i. 171), says that the clamour against Lord Temple on account of his interference with the King was so great that he thought it proper to resign. The reason,' adds the Bishop, that he and his friends gave for this step was that he might in a private capacity, and without the protection of official influence, answer any charge that should be made against him.' It is evident that the Bishop himself did not quite concur in the reason that he and his friends gave.' We read indeed Mr. Pitt was convinced of the propriety of Lord Temple's resignation in the then state of the public mind;' but the writer adds this important circumstance, that the scene in which the resignation had taken place, at a late hour on the 21st December, was one of a most agitating nature. It was the only public event,' says the Bishop, that ever disturbed Mr. Pitt's rest.

From all these circumstances we are satisfied that the reason given by Lord Temple and his friends (at best a temporary difficulty, and which soon blew over) was not the true one for so sudden and so permanent a separation, and for the sullen neutrality -'strict reserve,' as the editor calls it-in which Temple immediately buried himself for a series of months. Our readers will not have failed to remark that, towards the close of his notes of his conversation with the King (antè, p. 440), his Lordship talks of the prospect of accepting' the government in the style of one expecting to be at the head of it. From this, and from the characters of all the parties, we have not the slightest doubt that Lord Temple was playing over again his uncle's part, and insisted, as the reward of his success in displacing the old ministry, to be the chief of the new one as FIRST LORD OF THE TREASURY; and that, Mr. Pitt refusing, as he had already done, to serve in any other capacity than head of the government, a long and agitating scene followed, in which Lord Temple was defeated, and indignantly retired—he and his friends adopting, instead of the full truth, the more modest excuse recorded by the Bishop. This, we are satisfied, if we ever obtain any more detailed evidence on the subject, will be found to be the true solution of this mystery; and it was in the hope of healing this deep and rankling wound in that proud heart that Lord Temple was, at the close of 1784-a year passed, he himself says, with little intercourse with the political world'-created Marquis of Buckingham.


Of the rest of the documents the most interesting are three letters (pp. 187, 209, 212)-one a very long one-in which Mr. Grenville relates to his brother the particulars of three interviews with which the King honoured him just at the crisis of


Lord Shelburne's defeat. The conversation was on the subject, in the first instance, of Lord Temple's intended resignation of the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland-but the King also entered freely into all his own embarrassments between his reluctance to the Coalition and the impossibility of forming any other ministry. These letters afford an additional corroboration of Lord Brougham's testimony (drawn from the North papers) of the intelligence and accuracy with which his Majesty conducted the business of what we may venture to call his office-of his good sense of his judicious appreciation both of men and measures, and of the strictly constitutional principles on which he acted. We would willingly extract them, but, as our space is limited, we give a preference, over Lord Grenville's narrative, to two letters of the King himself, which exhibit the same qualities. The first is the longest we have ever seen of his Majesty's letters, and describes his situation while the Coalition was 'Viceroy over him.'

'The King to Lord Temple.

'Queen's House, April 1st, 1783. 'MY LORD,—I had the pleasure, on the 26th of last month, to receive from your truly amiable and right-headed brother and secretary [Thomas Grenville] your very able letter of the 23rd on the state of Ireland, couched in terms that also conveyed the warmest attachment to my person and Government, which makes me not deem among the least of public misfortunes, that the want of resolution in some, and of public zeal in others, will oblige you to quit a station which you fill so much to the satisfaction of all honest men as well as to mine.

'Since the conversation I had with Mr. William Grenville on the 16th of last month, I have continued every possible means of forming an Administration; an experience of now above twenty-two years convinces me that it is impossible to erect a stable one within the narrow bounds of any faction-for none deserve the appellation of party; and that in an age when disobedience to law and authority is as prevalent as a thirst after changes in the best of all political Constitutions, it requires that temper and sagacity to stem these evils, which can alone be expected from a collection of the best and most calm heads and hearts the kingdom possesses.

'Judge, therefore, of the uneasiness of my mind at having been thwarted in every attempt to keep the administration of public affairs out of the hands of the most unprincipled coalition the annals of this or any other nation can equal. I have withstood it till not a single man is willing to come to my assistance, and till the House of Commons has taken every step, but insisting on this faction being by name elected Ministers.

To end a conflict which stops every wheel of Government, and which would affect public credit if it continued much longer, I intend this night to acquaint that grateful Lord North, that the seven Cabinet Counsellors the coalition has named shall kiss hands to-morrow, and


then form their arrangements, as at the former negotiation they did not condescend to open to [me] many of their intentions.

6 A Ministry which I have avowedly attempted to avoid, by calling on every other description of men, cannot be supposed to have either my favour or confidence; and as such, I shall most certainly refuse any honours they may ask for. I trust the eyes of the nation will soon be opened, as my sorrow may prove fatal to my health if I remain long in this thraldom. I trust you will be steady in your attachment to me, and ready to join other honest men in watching the conduct of this unnatural combination-and I hope many months will not elapse before the Grenvilles, the Pitts, and other men of abilities and character will relieve me from a situation that nothing could have compelled me to submit to, but the supposition that no other means remained of preventing the public finances from being materially affected.

It shall be one of my first cares to acquaint these men that you decline remaining in Ireland. GEORGE R.-i. 218.

The second is shorter, but not less interesting, for it shows how ready he was to give up, in favour of that which was represented to him as a public object, the position and even the feelings of his favourite son, the Duke of York.

Weymouth, August 27th, 1794-Thirty-five minutes past One, P.M.

'I have this instant received Mr. Pitt's letter, accompanying the Paper of Considerations, which I undoubtedly should wish to keep, but, not knowing whether Mr. Pitt has a fair copy of it, I have thought it safest to return.

Whatever can give vigour to the remains of the campaign, I shall certainly, as a duty, think it right not to withhold my consent; but I own, in my son's place, I should beg my being allowed to return home, if the command is given to Lord Cornwallis, though I should not object to the command being intrusted to General Clairfayt. From feeling this, I certainly will not write, but approve of Mr. Wyndham's going to the army, and shall be happy if my son views this in a different light than I should.

'I will not delay the messenger, as I think no time ought to be lost in forming some fixed plan, and that the measure of sending Mr. Wyndham is every way advantageous. GEORGE R.'

Our extracts have been copious, but we must find room for the earliest appearance of the Duke of Wellington in public life. The Marquis of Buckingham, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, had, at Lady Mornington's request, named her son Arthur, æt. 18, as one of his aides-de-camp. Lord Mornington (Marquis Wellesley) writes to thank him :

4th November, 1787.-You may well believe with what pleasure I received your appointment of my brother to a place in your family, not


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only as being a most kind mark of your regard for me, but as the greatest advantage to him. I am persuaded that, under your eye, he will not be exposed to any of those [moral] risks which in other times have accompanied the situation [of an aide-de-camp] he will hold. I can assure you sincerely that he has every disposition which can render so young a boy deserving of your notice; and if he does not engage your protection by his conduct, I am much mistaken in his character. My mother expects him every hour in London, and before this time I should hope that he had himself waited on you.'—i. 334.

There was, however, a hitch. Sir George Yonge, the Secretary-atWar, insisted that, if the honourable Arthur was to be an aidede-camp, he must be put on half-pay. Against this-that would in fact have thrown him out of the active line of his profession, and made him a mere puppet of the Vice-regal Court-Lord Mornington strenuously remonstrated; but the curious part of this little squabble is, that Lord Mornington in his indignation said that, rather than that the youth should be put on half-pay, he would send him to join a regiment in India. Having seen the elder and the younger brother both sent to India, and the rank and reputation they won there, the threat is piquant.

As to Lord Grenville's letters, which are the main body of the work, they are, as might be expected, well reasoned and well written, and must have been of great interest to him to whom they were addressed; but letters which are of intense interest at the moment are often very tedious in after-times. While a negotiation is pending-or a battle impending-how eager is our curiosity! but when the negotiations are concluded, or the battle won or lost, all the previous conjectures and speculations seem as flat and unprofitable as a detected riddle. So it is, to a great degree, with Tom Grenville's despatches previous to the treaty of Paris, of which the only interest is a rivalry between him and Mr. Oswald, another of our negotiators, for the honour of being duped by Dr. Franklin; and so it is of Lord Grenville's letters on Irish affairs in 1783-on the vicissitudes, the hopes, and the fears of the King's illness in 1788-on the prospect and progress of the Irish Rebellion in 1798-all these may be usefully consulted by any one who has a special object in tracing the minuter steps and more recondite motives of the respective affairs, but now that the events are recorded on the broader page of history there is little for the instruction, and still less for the amusement, of ordinary readers-nothing that we could condense into the limits of a review, with justice either to the writers or to our readers. These letters have, besides, this further disadvantage-they are not only of a grave and didactic style, but they are also very décousues, and are so far from affording

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