that were abstract rather than practical, were deposited, during the Middle Ages, in the dead languages.

Whether the prime orb,

Incredible how swift, had thither rolled

Diurnal, or this less voluble earth,

By shorter flight to th' East, had left him there.

She had a song of willow,

An old thing 'twas, but it expressed her fortune,
And she died singing it.

At midnight, in his guarded tent,

The Turk was dreaming of the hour
When Greece, her knee in suppliance bent,
Should tremble at his power.

How glorious once above thy height,
Till pride, and, worse, ambition threw me down,
Warring in heaven.

MISCELLANEOUS EXAMPLES

FOR RHETORICAL AND ELOCUTIONARY ANALYSIS.

Then said Jesus unto them, I will ask you one thing: Is it lawful on the sabbath days to do good, or to do evil? to save life, or to destroy it?

Has God forsaken the works of his own hands? or does he always graciously preserve, and keep, and guide them?

What, then, what was Cæsar's object? Do we select extortioners to enforce the laws of equity? Do we make choice of profligates to guard the morals of society? Do we depute atheists to preside over the rites of religion? I will not press the answer?

Because eloquence has been abused, because it has served Antichrist, or rendered sin specious, is it therefore, less excellent in itself? Or is it for that reason, to be rejected from the service of holiness? No; let it be employed in the service of God, and it is directed to its noblest ends; it answers the best of purposes !

And, indeed, not to quit our own age, or our own land, do we not see all around us the attractions of the cross? What is it that guides and governs the tide of religious popularity, whether it rolls in the channels of the Establishment, or those of Dissent? Is it not this which causes the mighty influx of the spring-tide in one place; and is it not the absence of it, which occasions the dull retiring ebb in another?

You, T. Attius, I know, had everywhere given it out, that I was to defend my client, not from facts, not upon

the footing of innocence, but by taking advantage merely of the law in his behalf. Have I done so? I appeal to yourself. Have I sought to cover him behind legal defence only? On the contrary, have I not pleaded his cause as if he had been a senator, liable by the Cornelian law to be capitally convicted; and shown that neither proof nor probable presumption lies against his innocence?

It may, in the next place, be asked, perhaps, supposing all this to be true, what can we do? Are we to go to war? Are we to interfere in the Greek cause, or any other European cause? Are we to endanger our pacific relations?—No, certainly not. What, then, the question recurs, remains for us? If we will not endanger our own peace, if we will neither furnish armies, nor - navies, to the cause which we think the just one, what is there within our power?

What! does the word come more powerfully from the dignitary in purple and fine linen than it came from the poor apostle with nothing but the spirit of the Lord on his lips, and the glory of God standing on his right hand? What! my lords, not cultivate barren land; not encourage the manufactures of your country; not relieve the poor of your flock, if the church is to be at the expense thereby?-Where shall we find this principle? not in the Bible.

Who are the persons that are most apt to fall into peevishness and dejection-that are continually complaining of the world, and see nothing but wretchedness around them? Are they those whom want compels to toil for their daily bread ?—who have no treasure but the labor of their hands-who rise with the rising sun, to expose themselves to all the rigors of the seasons, unsheltered from the winter's cold, and unshaded from

the summer's heat?

No. The labors of such are the

very blessings of their condition.

Where were these guardians of the Constitution, these vigilant sentinels of our rights and liberties, when this law was passed? Were they asleep upon their post? Where was the gentleman from New York, who has on this debate, made such a noble stand in favor of the Constitution: where was the Ajax Telamon of his party; or, to use his own more correct expression, the faction to which he belongs: where was the hero with his sevenfold shield, not of bull's hide, but of brass, prepared to prevent or to punish this Trojan rape, which he now sees meditated upon the Constitution of his country by a wicked faction: where was Hercules, that he did not crush this den of robbers that broke into the sanctuary of the Constitution? Was he forgetful of his duty; were his nerves unstrung; or was he the very leader of the band that broke down these constitutional ramparts?

By what title do you, Q. Naso, sit in that chair and preside in this judgment? By what right, T. Attius, do you accuse, or do I defend? Whence all the solemnity and pomp of judges, and clerks, and officers, of which this house is full? Does not all proceed from the law, which regulates the whole department of the State; which, as a common bond, holds its members together; and, like the soul within the body, actuates and directs. all the public functions? On what ground, then, dare you speak lightly of the law, or move that, in a criminal trial, judges should advance one step beyond what it permits them to go?

Whither shall he go? Shall he dedicate himself to the service of his country? But will his country receive him? Will she employ in her councils, or in her

armies, the man at whom the "slow unmoving finger of scorn" is pointed? Shall he betake himself to the fireside? The story of his disgrace will enter his own doors before him. And can he bear, think you, can he bear the sympathizing agonies of a distressed wife? Can he endure the formidable presence of scrutinizing, sneering domestics? Will his children receive instruction from the lips of a disgraced father? Gentlemen, I am not ranging on fairy ground, I am telling the plain story of my client's wrongs. By the ruthless hand of malice his character has been wantonly massacred; and he now appears before a jury of his country for redress.

Will any man tell me that he has now confident hopes of the Catholic question? We are told that we are not to try the question of the four hundred freeholders on its own merits, but that the measure is expedient, because it will insure the passing of the Catholic Bill. This argument might have been used twentyfour hours ago, but does any man believe after what has passed, that the enactment of this measure will be sure to carry the Catholic Bill? What earthly security have I, that if I abandon my privileges and my duty as a legislator, by voting for this measure in the dark, I shall even have the supposed compensation for this abandonment and betrayal of my duty, the passing of the Catholic Bill? I repeat, that this might have been urged as an argument two or three days ago, but does any man really believe now that the Catholic Bill will pass? Does any man believe that the ominous news of this day, which has gone forth to England and Ireland, will not ring the knell of despair in the ears of the Catholics?

Yes, Athenians, I repeat it, you yourselves are the