positions at home and in Washington, was a man of frugal, economical habits. In this he was consistent with his early life, as an industrious, hard-laboring mechanic, and the provident care of his wife and family. The former had taught him to read and write after they were married. He subsequently became emulous of public life. He entered upon it with zest, and loved it for its fascinations and faithfully-won honors. He had no professional training-was ambitious of none. He was never a lawyer, as we believe has been generally supposed. He was never a buckstering politician-never paid money for a nomination or for an election, beyond the incidental expenses of his stump campaigns for Congress and for Governor. He was and is devoted to the public service, for its usefulness and its honors, and content with and systematically economizing its moderate emoluments for the sake of his family. And in this, it is safe to say that parsimony has as little to do with his sense of domestic duty, as expensive tastes or prodigal wastefulness.

Above all, Mr. Johnson is a true as well as a brave man; faithful four years ago among the faithless of his old rivals of the Whig party, and his old colleagues of the Democratic party of Tennessee; true to the Union, when it cost something to be true; to the Government, in its life-struggle against rebellion and insurrection; to free labor, and its disenthralment from the incubus of slavery; and to that unswerving line of duty, and devotion to hard study, progressive statesmanship, and ripening experience, which have carried him from the humblest to the topmost round of human ambition.

We close our extracts, which might be indefinitely extended, by a quotation from the Philadelphia Evening Bulletin, containing some interesting facts and suggestions. The Bulletin says:

It is an awfully sudden transition by which we have passed from the administration of President Lincoln to that of President Johnson. In these brief hours the reins which had fallen from the hands of the man of kindly words and gentle spirit and matchless wisdom, were solemnly and sadly taken up by his Constitutional successor, and to-day we are shaping our lips to their utter

We have heard many

ance of a new President's name. persons in public and private, referring, with great misgivings, to the future, anxious to uphold the new Administration and yet fearing that it has fallen into incompetent hands. Let all such misgivings and fears be banished at the outset. There is no cause for anxiety or alarm on this account. A long, clear, well-defined record of Andrew Johnson is before the country, and we do not hesitate to predict that what Abraham Lincoln was to the period of his Government, Andrew Johnson will be to the period now opening before us. The two men are as unlike as are the two periods which it has been and is their destiny to control, and we believe that each will have been found equally fitted by the hand of the same All-wise Providence for the duties and responsibilities devolved upon them. Without recurring to the speeches of Mr. Johnson which he has made during the past few years, all marked by a high degree of statesmanlike ability, and breathing a spirit of lofty patriotism, the brief words that he has spoken since the melancholy event which has made him President are enough to inspire the whole country with courage and confidence. His remarks on being declared President of the United States, have already been read by thousands of our citizens. They are characterized by the deepest feeling, and by a strong, abiding faith in the principles which have ruled his whole public career.

"Toil and an honest advocacy of the great principles of free government have been my lot. Duties have been mine-consequences are God's. This has been the foundation of my political creed, and I feel that in the end the government will triumph, and that these great principles will be permanently established."

Simple grave words like these will go home to the hearts of the American people with a weight of conviction that no eloquence could have conveyed, and which no sophistry will be able to dislodge.

The following telegram, just received from a distinguished gentleman of Philadelphia, now in Washington, goes far to strengthen the confidence in President Johnson which we have expressed :

"WASHINGTON, April 16, 1865.—I have had, with others, a most delightful conversation this afternoon with President Johnson. He is a true patriot, and the country is safe in his hands. He

was pleased to hear of the confidence in him expressed by members of the Union League and other Philadelphians and Pennsylvanians. He bears his new honors with sorrowful dignity and the calmness of a gentleman-realizing the sudden responsibility of the position like a sound statesman. I believe that he will administer the laws faithfully, justly and promptly."

With regard to his future policy, President Johnson uses this sober, but significant language:

"As to an indication of any policy which may be pursued by me in the administration of the Government, I have to say that that must be left for development as the administration progres

ses.

"The message or declaration must be made by the acts as they transpire. The only assurance that I can now give of the future is reference to the past. The course which I have taken in the past in connection with this rebellion must be regarded as a guarantee of the future."

That he will rule with a firm, strong hand, no one can reasonably doubt, and that the same singleness of purpose towards the rebellion, which has been the glory of Mr. Lincoln's government, will mark his administration, is equally certain. We are permitted to make the following extract from a private letter received by one of our friends to-day:

"I write you very hurriedly, while my friend has not yet recovered from the shock of last night's most cruel deeds, to say that for three or four days I have seen President Johnson every day, and have told him what the League expressed upon that memorable Monday morning last, of the earnest sentiment of the loyal people of this country as to the treatment of traitors. And he agreed with the League. He desired me to repeat General R's remark that 'Treason must be stigmatized as a crime, and not as an unsuccessful revolution,' until he had fixed it in his memory. I believe he may be trusted in this great emergency.'

Let the people respond heartily and promptly to the frank appeal of our new President, when he says:

I shall ask

"I want your encouragement and countenance. and rely upon you and others in carrying the Government through its present perils. I feel, in making this request, that it will be heartily responded to by you and all other patriots and lovers of the rights and interests of a free people."

We present hereafter reports of the addresses delivered by President Johnson, in response to speeches by the representatives of delegations from many States, who waited on him immediately on his assumption of his office. As a speaker, Mr. Johnson talks fluently and readily, and, while taking care not to say too much which might commit him to certain lines of policy, is yet winning in his address, and frank in his utterances. Probably no public official was ever forced to make so many speeches within a month after assuming so important an office, and it is certain that no man could have more easily and gracefully accomplished the duty.

THE CLERGY-TREASURY OFFICERS.

On the 17th of April, 1865, the clergy of the District of Columbia called upon the President at the Treasury building. He received them with great cordiality, and made a feeling and appropriate address. The heads of the Treasury bureaus then presented themselves, accompanied by their clerks. Judge Lewis made a graceful and eloquent address, to which the President responded, closing as follows: "I have always thought theft was a crime and should be punished as a crime; that arson was a great crime and should be punished as such; that murder was a dreadful crime and should be punished as such, and that treason was the greatest of all crimes and should be punished as such."

RECEPTION OF THE ILLINOIS DELEGATION.

On the 18th of April, 1865, a delegation of citizens of Illinois paid their respects to his excellency, President Johnson. Governor Oglesby, accompanied by Senator Richard Yates, General Isam N. Hayne, ex-Senator O. H. Browning, Hon. D. L. Phillips, General J. F. Farnsworth, Hon. Isaac N. Arnold, Hon. John Wilson, General

Gamble, Col. John S. Loomis, Col. T. H. Bowen, Governor Pickering, of Oregon, General Julius White, Hon. J. M. Hanna, Major S. Wait, Major W. C. Carroll, Major P. Flynn, and a large concourse of citizens, repaired to the rooms of President Johnson, in the Treasury building.

Governor Oglesby presented the delegation and made the subjoined address:

MR. PRESIDENT:-I take much pleasure in presenting to you this delegation of the citizens of Illinois, representing almost every portion of the State. We are drawn together by the mournful events of the past few days, to give some feeble expression to the feelings we, in common with the whole nation, realize as pressing us to the earth, by appropriate and respectful ceremonies. We thought it not inappropriate before we should separate, even in this sad hour, to seek this interview with your Excellency; that, while the bleeding heart is pouring out its mournful anguish over the death of our beloved late President, the idol of our State and the pride of the whole country, we may earnestly express to you, the living head of this nation, our deliberate, full, and abiding confidence in you as the one who, in these dark hours, must bear upon yourself the mighty responsibility of maintaining, defending, and directing its affairs. In the midst of this sadness, through the oppressive gloom that surrounds us, we look to you and to a bright future for our country. The assassination of the President of the United States deeply depresses, and seriously aggravates the entire nation; but under our blessed Constitution, it does not delay, nor for any great length of time retard its progress; does not for an instant disorganize or threaten its destruction. record of your whole past life, familiar to all, the splendor of your recent gigantic efforts to stay the hand of treason and assassination, and restore the flag to the uttermost bounds of the Republic, assure that noble State which we represent, and we believe, the people of the United States, that we may safely trust our destinies in your hands; and to this end we come in the name of the State of Illinois, and, we confidently believe, fully and faithfully expressing the wishes of our people, to present and pledge to you the cordial, earnest, and unremitting purpose of our

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