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of every praise! now scanned and criticised! her faults all told, and counted! her value cast up! the sum found less! and the late adored object thrown as a worthless weed away!"

66

Third Day's Remarks.

[SENATE.

the House of Representatives, only three years ago, that he would hang any man who would bring an African into Virginia, was falsified, for the basest purposes, by substituting "Irishman" for African! Yes, sir, slavery, as it is, and as it exists among us, would have fewer advocates, if I was on the subject of slavery, as connected with the those who have nothing to do with it would let it alone. Missouri question, when last on the floor. The Senator But they will not let it alone. A geographical party, and from South Carolina [Mr. HAYNE] could see nothing in the chiefly a political caste, are incessantly at work upon this question before the Senate, nor in any previous part of subject. Their operations pervade the States, intrude the debate, to justify the introduction of that topic. Nei-into this chamber, display themselves in innumerable ther could I. He thought he saw the ghost of the Missouri forms, and the thickening of the signs announces the question brought in among us. So did I. He was as-forthcoming of some extraordinary movement. Sir, I tonished at the apparition. I was not: for a close observ. regard with admiration, that is to say, with wonder, the ance of the signs in the West had prepared me for this de-sublime morality of those who cannot bear the abstract velopment from the East. I was well prepared for that contemplation of slavery, at the distance of five hundred invective against slavery, and for that amplification of the or a thousand miles off. It is entirely above, that is to blessings of exemption from slavery, exemplified in the say, it affects a vast superiority over the morality of the condition of Ohio, which the Senator from Massachusetts primitive Christians, the apostles of Christ, and Christ indulged in, and which the object in view required to be himself. Christ and the apostles appeared in a province derived from the Northeast. I cut the root of that deri-of the Roman empire, when that empire was called the vation by reading a passage from the Journals of the old Roman world, and that world was filled with slaves. Forty Congress; but this will not prevent the invective and enco-millions was the estimated number, being one fourth of mium from going forth to do their office; nor obliterate the whole population. Single individuals held twenty the line which was drawn between the free State of Ohio thousand slaves. A freed man, one who had himself been and the slave State of Kentucky. If the only results of a slave, died the possessor of four thousand--such were this invective and encomium were to exalt still higher the the numbers. The rights of the owners over this multioratorical fame of the speaker, I should spend not a mo- tude of human beings was that of life and death, without ment in remarking upon them. But it is not to be forgot-protection from law or mitigation from public sentiment. ten that the terrible Missouri agitation took its rise from The scourge, the cross, the fish-pond, the den of the wild the "substance of two speeches" delivered on this floor; beast, and the arena of the gladiator, was the lot of the and since that time, anti-slavery speeches, coming from slave, upon the slighest expression of the maste's will. the same political and geographical quarter, are not to be A law of incredible atrocity made all slaves responsible disregarded here. What was said upon that topic was with their own lives for the life of their master; it was certainly intended for the north side of the Potomac and the law that condemned the whole household of slaves to Ohio; to the people, then, of that division of the Union, death, in case of the assassination of the master--a law I wish to address myself, and to disabuse them of some under which as many as four hundred have been executed erroneous impressions. To them I can truly say, that sla-at a time. And these slaves were the white people of very, in the abstract, has but few advocates or defenders Europe and of Asia Minor, the Greeks and other nations, in the slave-holding States, and that slavery as it is, an he- from whom the present inhabitants of the world derive reditary institution, descended upon us from our ances-the most valuable productions of the human mind. Christ tors, would have fewer advocates among us than it has, if saw all this-the number of the slaves--their hapless condithose who have nothing to do with the subject would only tion-and their white color, which was the same with his let us alone. The sentiment in favor of slavery was much own; yet he said nothing against slavery; he preached no weaker before those intermeddlers began their operations doctrines which led to insurrection and massacre; none than it is at present. The views of leading men in the which, in their application to the state of things in our North and the South were indisputably the same in the country, would authorize an inferior race of blacks to exearlier periods of our Government. Of this our legisla terminate that superior race of whites, in whose ranks he tive history contains the highest proof. The foreign slave himself appeared upon earth. He preached no such doctrade was prohibited in Virginia, as soon as the Revolution trines, but those of a contrary tenor, which inculcated the began. It was one of her first acts of sovereignty. In the duty of fidelity and obedience on the part of the slave-convention of that State which adopted the Federal consti- humanity and kindness on the part of the master. St. Paul sent back a runaway tution, it was an objection to that instrument that it tolerated apostles did the same. the African slave trade for twenty years. Nothing that has slave, Onesimus, to his owner, with a letter of apology and appeared since has surpassed the indignant denunciations supplication. He was not the man to harbor a runaway, of this traffic by Patrick Henry, George Mason, and others, much less to entice him from his master; and, least of all, in that convention. The clause in the ordinance of '86 to excite an insurrection. against slavery in the Northwest, as I have before shown, Slavery, which once filled the Roman world, has disaporiginated in a committee of three members, of whom peared from most of the countries which composed that two were from slave-holding States. That clause, and the great dominion. It has disappeared from nearly all Euwhole ordinance, received the vote of every slave State rope, and from half the States of this Union. present, at its final passage. There were but eight States here it has ceased upon the same principle: upon the prinpresent, four from the south of the Potomac, and only one ciple of economy, and a calculation of interest--a calculafrom New England. It required seven Statess to pass the tion which, in a certain density of population and difficulordinance; it could have been passed without the Newty of subsistence, makes it cheaper to hire a man than to England States, but not without three, at least, of the own him; cheaper to pay for the work he does, and hear Southern ones. It had all four: Virginia, the two Caroli-no more of him, than to be burthened with his support nas, and Georgia. Compare this with the vote on the Mis. from the cradle to the grave. Slavery never ceased any souri restriction, when intermeddlers and designing poli-where on a principle of religion; the religion of all nations Its abolition cannot be enforced among ticians had undertaken to regulate the South upon the sub-consecrates it. ject of slavery! The report in the House of Representa- Christians on that ground, without reproaching the found tives, some twenty years ago, against the application from er of their religion. Many who think themselves ChrisIndiana for a limited admission of slaves, was drawn by Mr. tians are now engaged in preaching against slavery; but Randolph; the same Mr. Randolph whose declaration in they had better ascertain whether they have fulfilled the

His

There and

SENATE.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[FEB. 2, 1830.

precepts of Christ, before they assume a moral superiori-selves, and the elevation of their adversaries, in the sucty over him, and undertake to do what he did not. To cess of a crusade, under federal banners, against their nathe politicians who are engaged in the same occupation, it tural allies, in the South and West. is needless to give the like admonition. They have their

Let the democracy of the North remember, that it is views, and the success of these would be poorly promoted the tendency of all confederacies to degenerate into a subby following the precepts of the Gospel. Their kingdom confederacy among the powerful, for the government and is of this world; and to reach it, they will do the things oppression of the weaker members. Let them recollect they ought not, and leave undone the things which they that ambition is the root of these sub-confederacies; reliought to do. Slavery will cease, in the course of some gion, avarice, and geographical antipathies, the instru generations, in several of the States where it now exists, and ments of their domination; oppression, civil wars, pillage, cease upon the same principle on which it has disappeared and tyranny, their end. So says the history of all conelsewhere. In some parts it is not sustainable now, upon federacies. Look at them. The Amphictyonic league-a calculation of interest. Habit and affection is the main a confederacy of thirty members-received the law and bond. A great amelioration in the condition of the slave the lash from Sparta, Thebes, and Athens. The Gerhas taken place. In most of the States they are as mem-manic confederation, of three hundred States and free bers of the family, and in all the essential particulars of la-cities, was governed by the nine great electorates, which bor, food, and raiment, they fare as the rest of the laboring ruled and pillaged as they pleased: the Imperial Diet becommunity. Some masters are cruel; but the laws con- ing to them something like what the Supreme Court is demn such cruelty; and, what is more effectual than the proposed to be here--a tribunal before which the States law, is the abhorrence of public sentiment. But cruelty and free cities could be called, placed under the ban of is not confined to the black slave; it extends to the white the empire, and delivered up to military execution. The apprentice, to the orphans that are bound out, and to the seven United Provinces; the strong province of Holland children of the poor that are hired to the rich. Many of alone deciding upon all questions of peace and war, loans these can, and often do, tell pitiable tales of stinted food and and taxes, and dragooning the inferior provinces into acexcessive work, of merciless beatings, brutal indignities, quiescence and compliance. The thirteen Swiss cantons, and precocious debaucheries. The advance of the public in which the strong aristocratic cantons pillaged and ravmind has been great upon the subject of slavery. Let aged the weak ones, on account of their religion and deany one look back to the conferences at Utrecht, in 1712, mocracy, often calling in the Dukes of Savoy to assist in when England was ready to continue the greatest of her the chastisement. Let the democracy of the North rewars for the sake of the asiento--the contract for supply-member these things, and then eschew, as they would fly ing Spanish America with slaves--and see the conduct of the incantations of the serpent, the syren songs of ancient the Virginia Assembly, in 1776, and England herself, in foes, who would enlist their feelings in a concert of a ction 1780, denouncing and punishing that traffic as a crime which is to end in arraying one-half of the States of this against God and man. It has not advanced of late, but Union against the other. Have we no ambition in this conretrograded--I speak of these United States. Witness federacy? no means of enabling it to work as in Greece, the two epochs of the ordinance of '86, and the admission Germany, Holland, and the Swiss cantons? Look at the of Missouri, in 1820. Intrusive and political intermeddling fallen leaders, panting for the recovery of lost power. produced this reverse. Such meddling can do no good to Look at the ten millions of surplus in the treasury, after the objects of its real or affected commiseration. It does the extinction of the public debt; at the three hundred harm to them. It prevents the enactment of some kind millions of acres of public lands in the new States and Terlaws, and occasions the passage of some severe ones. It ritories; at the forty millions of exports of the South; and totally checks emancipation, and deprives the slave of in- see if there be not, in the modes of dividing these, among struction, as the most merciful way of saving him from certain strong States, for internal improvement, education, the penalties of murder and insurrection, which the read-and protection of domestic industry, ample means for acting of incendiary pamphlets might lead him to incur. ing on the feelings of avarice. Look at the excitements I have been full, I am afraid tedious, on the subject of getting up about Indians, slaves, masonry, Sunday mails, slavery. My apology must be found in the extraordinary &c. and see if there are no materials for working upon introduction of this topic by the Senator from Massachu- religion or fanaticism.

setts [Mr. WEBSTER.] I foresee that this subject is to act The Senator from Massachusetts, [Mr. W.] had a vision, a great part in the future politics of this country; that it is in the after part of his second day's speaking. He saw to be made one of the instruments of a momentous move-an army with banners, commanded by the new Major ment—not for dividing the Union—something more prac-General of South Carolina, the Senator who sits on my ticable and more damnable than that. The prevention of a right, [General HAYNE] marching forward upon the cusworld of woe may depend upon the democracy of the tom house in Charleston, sometimes expounding law as a non-slaveholding States. The preservation of their own civilian, sometimes fighting as a general. It was a plearepublican liberties may depend upon it. Never was sant vision, sir, but no more than a vision. Now, I can their steadfast adhesion to the principles they profess, and have a vision also, and of a banner with inscriptions upon to their natural allies, more necessary than at present. To it, floating over the head of the Senator from Massachuthem I have been speaking; to them I continue to address setts, [Mr. W.] while he was speaking: the words "Mismyself. I beseech and implore them to suffer their feel- souri Question, Colonization Society, Anti-Slavery, Georings against slavery to have no effect upon their political gia Indians, Western Lands, More Tariff, Internal Imconduct; to join in no combinations against the South for provement, Anti-Sunday Mails, Anti Masonry." A cavalthat cause; to leave this whole business to ourselves. I cade under the banner--a motley group--a most miscelthink they can well let it alone, upon every principle of laneous concourse, the speckled progeny of many conmorals or policy. Are they Christians? Then they can junctions--veteran Federalists--benevolent females--politolerate what Christ and his apostles could bear. Are ticians who have lost their caste--National Republicans-they patriots? Then they can endure what the constitu- all marching on to the next Presidential election, and tion permits. Are they philosophers? Then they can bear chanting the words on the banner, and repeating, "under the abstract contemplation of the ills which afflict others, these signs we conquer." Did you see it, Mr. President? not them. Are they friends and sympathisers? Then they Your look says, No. But I cannot be looked out of my must know that the wearer of the shoe knows best where vision. I did see something, the shade at least of a subit pinches, and is most concerned to get it off. Are they stance--the apparition of a real event--making its way republicans? Then they must see the downfal of them- from the womb of time, and casting its shadow before. I

1

FEB. 2, 1830.]

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shall see it again--at Philippi--and that before the Greek and cries for succor pervade the Union. Where was then kalends, about the ides of November, 1832. relief for the West? What was then the conduct of the What the conduct of the South?

He

I mean no disrespect, sir, to the benevolent females for Northeast? whom I have found a place in this procession. Far from The Senator from South Carolina [General HAYNE] has it. They have earned the place by the part they are act-shown you what was the conduct of the Northeast. ing in the public meetings for the instruction of Congress has read the acts which history, and his eloquence, will on the subject of these Georgia Indians. For the rest, delver down to posterity, showing that the then dominant had rather take my chance, in such a cavalcade, among party in New England was as well disposed to aid the these benevolent females, than among the unbenevolent enemy as to aid the West. He showed that it was a main males; had rather appear in the feminine than in the object of the Hartford Convention to exclude the West masculine gender; had rather march in bonnet, cloak, and from the Union. The Senator from Massachusetts made petticoats, than in hat, coat, and pantaloons. With the aid light of these readings; he called them uncanonical colof the famous corset-maker, Madame Cantalo, to draw me lects. In one respect, a part of them were like a collect; up a little, I had rather trip it along as a Miss, in frock they came from the pulpit, but, instead of being prayers, and pantalets, than figure as a war chief of the Georgia unless the prayers of the devil and his black angels be Cherokees, bedecked and bedizened in all the finery of understood, they were curses, execrations, and damnation paint and feathers. I had rather be on foot among the to the West. The Senator from Massachusetts denied their damsels, than on horse among the leaders, white, black, authority, and washed his hands of them. I will, thereand red. I apprehend these leaders will be on foot on the fore, read him something else; the authority of which will return march, dismounted and discomfited, unhorsed and mt be so readily denied, nor the hands so easily washed unharnessed, better prepared for the flight than the fight, of. I speak of a speech delivered on the floor of the and leading the ladies out of danger after having led them House of Representatives, about the middle of the late war, into it. In that retreat, I would recommend it to the be- vhen things were at their worst, and of certain votes upon nevolent females to place no reliance upon the perform- the army bill, the militia bill, the loan bill, the tax bill, ances of their delicate little feet. Their unequal steps and the treasury note bill. And first, of the speech. It would vainly strive to keep up with the "double quick purports to have been delivered by the Senator to whom time" of their swift conductors. No helping hand then at am now replying, in the session of 1813-14, on the disto be stretched back for the "little Iulus." It would be cussion of the bill to fill the ranks of the regular army. a race that Virgil has described, a long interval between the great heroes ahead and the little ones behind. I would The Speech--Extracts. recommend it to these ladies, not to douse their bonnets, "It is certain that the real object of this proposition to and tuck up their coats, for such a race, but to sit down increase the military force to an extraordinary degree, by on the way side, and wait the coming of the conquerors. extraordinary means, is to act over again the scenes of the The new Major General of South Carolina will then be in two last campaigns. To that object I cannot lend my the field in reality; his banner will then be seen, not support. I am already satisfied with the exhibition. advancing upon a custom house, but pursuing the flying "Give me leave to say, sir, that the tone on the subject hosts of the National Republicans; and from him the "be- of the conquest of Canada seems to be not a little changed. nevolent females" will have nothing to fear. Before the war, that conquest was represented to be quite

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were to have been, by this time, legislating, dividing it into States and Territories, is not yet ours? Nay, sir, how happens it that we are not even free of invasion ourselves; that gentlemen here call on us, by all the motives of patriotism, to assist in the defence of our own soil, and portray before us the state of the frontiers, by frequent and animated allusion to all those topics which the modes of Indian warfare usually suggest?

"This, sir, is not what we were promised. This is not the entertainment to which we were invited. This is no fulfilment of those predictions which it was deemed obstinacy itself not to believe. This is not the harvest of greatness and glory, the seeds of which were supposed to be sown with the declaration of war.

I come now to a momentous period in this Union--one an easy affair. The valiant spirits who meditated it, were well calculated to test other questions, besides that of only fearful lest it should be too easy to be glorious. They relative friendship to the West-I speak of the late war had no apprehension, except that resistance would be so with Great Britain. We began it for wrongs on the ocean: powerful as to render the victory splendid. but the West quickly became its principal theatre, and in How happens it, sir, that this country, so easy of acquisithe beginning encountered defeats and disasters, which tion, and over which, according to the prophecies, we called for the aid and sympathy of other parts of the Union I say nothing about the declaration of war; that was question of opinion, and might have two sides to it; but after the bloody conflict was begun, there was but one side for Americans. The Senator from Massachusetts has laid down the law of duty to a citizen, (when the Government has adopted a line of policy) in accounting for his support of the tariff of 1828, after opposing that of 1821. The Government had adopted the tariff' policy, he says, and thereupon it became his duty to support that policy. I will not stop to inquire how far future opposition vas included in such a case. It is sufficient, for my present purpose, to show that the Senator from Massachusetts has laid down this acquiescence in, and support of, the polcy of the Government, in a case of common and ordinary legislation; after that, it cannot be denied, in the highest of all cases to which it can apply, that of a foreign war, and that war calamitous to his own country. New England, more accurately speaking the then dominant party in New England, opposed the declaration of war, and that after a leader of that party had declared, upon the floor of the House of Representatives, that the administration could not be kicked into war. She opposed the declaration; but I leave that out of the question. The war is declared, "This, sir, is no new strain. It has been sung a thouit is commenced, it is disastrous; and the heaviest disasters sand times. It is the constant tune of every weak or wickfall upon the West. Her armies are beaten; her frontier ed administration. What minister ever yet acknowledged posts taken; her territory invaded. Her soil is red with that the evils which fell on his country were the necessary the blood, and white with the bones of her sons. Her consequences of his own incapacity, his own folly, or his daughters are in mourning; the land is filled with grief; own corruption? What possessor of political power ever

"When we ask, sir, for the causes of these disappointments, we are told that they are owing to the opposition which the war encounters, in this House and among the people. All the evils which afflict the country are imputed to the opposition. This is the fashionable doctrine, both here and elsewhere. It is said to be owing to opposition that the war became necessary; and owing to opposition, also, that it has been prosecuted with no better success.

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yet failed to charge the mischief resulting from his own measures upon those who had uniformly opposed those measures"""

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"You are, you say, at war for maritime rights and free trade. But they see you lock up your commerce, and abandon the ocean. They see you invade an interior province of the enemy. They see you involve yourselves in a bloody war with the native savages: and they ask you if you have, in truth, a maritime controversy with the Western Indians; and are really contending for sailors' rights with the tribes of the Prophet.'

This speech requires no comment, and will admit of

none.

tuted.

MASSACHUSETTS.

[FEB. 2, 1830.

YEAS.--Messrs. Hubbard and Parker.
NAYS.--Messrs. Baylies, Bigelow, Bradbury, Brigham,
Davis, Dewey, Ely, King, Pickering, John Reed, William
Reed, Ruggles, Ward, Wheaton, and Wilson.

CONNECTICUT.

NAYS.-Messrs. Champion, Davenport, Law, Moseley, Pitkin, Sturges, and Taggart.

NEW YORK.

YEAS.-Messrs. Avery, Fisk, Lefferts, Sage, and Taylor.
NAYS.-Messrs. Geddes, Grosvenor, Kent, Lovett, Mil-

VERMONT.

YEAS.--Messrs. Bradley, Fisk, and Skinner.

Its own words go beyond any that could be subsi-ler, Moffit, Oakley, Post, Shepperd, Smith, and Winter. "Valiant spirits-too easy to be glorious--tore changed--prophecies unfulfilled--frontiers invaded-asistance called for--entertainment--animated allusions to the modes of Indian warfare-bloody war with the sav:ges--contending with tribes of the prophet for sailors rights--weak and wicked-folly and corruption-lend n support-satisfied with the exhibition."

These phrases of cutting sarcasm, of cool contempt, of bitter reproach, and stern denial of succor, deserve to be placed in a parallel column with what we have just heard of love to the West, and of the protecting arm extended over her. I will not dwell upon them; but there are two phrases which extort a brief remark: "Satisfied with the exhibition"--"lend no support." What was the exhibition of these two campaigns, the first and second of the war, to which this expression of satisfaction, and denial of sup port, extends? It was this: In the southwest, the massacre at Fort Mimms; the Creek nation in arms; British incendiaries in Pensacola and St. Marks, exciting savages

RHODE ISLAND.

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YEAS.--Messrs. Archer, Kent, McKim, Moore, Nelson,

to war, and slaves to rebellion; the present President of Ringgold, and Wright. the United States at the Ten Islands of the Coosa river,

VIRGINIA.

NAYS.-Messrs. Bayly, Caperton, Lewis, and Sheffey.

NORTH CAROLINA.

in a stockade of twenty yards square, with forty young YEAS.--Messrs. Burwell, Clopton, Dawson, Eppes, Gholmen of Nashville, holding the Creek nation in check, and son, Hawes, Hungerford, Jackson, Johnson, Kerr, M'Coy, calling for support. In the Northwest, all the forts which Newton, Pleasants, Rich, Roane, Smith. covered the frontiers captured and garrisoned by the enemy; Michigan Territory reduced to the condition of a British province; Ohio invaded; the enemy encamped and entrenched upon her soil; the British flag flying over it--over that soil of Ohio, which, according to what we have just heard, could not bear the tread of a slave, now trod in triumph by the cruel Proctor and his ferocious! myrmidons. This is the exhibition which the first and second campaigns presented in the West; for I limit mys. If to that quarter of the Union, the present question be-Evans, Gordon, Kershaw, and Lowndes.

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ing one of relative friendship to the West. This is the
exhibition which the West presented--these the scenes
which called for succor, and to relieve which the extract Troup.
that I have read declares that none would be lent.
author of that speech was satisfied with this exhibition;
he would do nothing to change it. The political and geo-gomery, Ormsby, and Sharp.
graphical party with which he acted were equally well
satisfied, and equally determined to let things remain as

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YEAS. Messrs. Alexander, Beale, Caldwell, Creighton, against the bill to call out the militia; against the bill to Kibourn, and McLean. borrow money; against the bill to lay taxes; against the bill to issue treasury notes! The Journals of Congress will show the recorded votes of those who now set up for! the exclusive friends of the West, in opposition to all Such were the votes of the North and South on the these bills. The reading of the yeas and nays on the passage of this bill. Such were the votes of the then whole of these measures would be tedious and unneces-dominant party of the Northeast, in that dark hour of Such was their answer sary; a single set will show how they stood in every in- calamity and trial to the West. stance. I select, for my example, the vote in the House in reply to our calls for help--even the calls of that Ohio, of Representatives on the passage of the bill the discus- which is now the cherished object of all affection, the sion of which called forth the speech from which an extract chosen theme of highest eulogy, the worshipped star in that newconstellation of superior planets, which are to shed, not their "selectest influences," but "disastrous twilight on half the States." It is not for me to trace a parallel beNAYS.--Messrs. Cilley, Hale, Vose, Webster, and Wilcox. tween these votes and the words and acts of the same po

has been made.

The Vote.-Yeas, 97; Nays, 58.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

FEB. 2, 1830.

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[SENATE

litical party in the States from which the voters came. have less memory, less gratitude, less sensibility to danIt is not for me to measure the difference between the ger, than these poor beasts? And shall he stand less upon conduct which gives aid to the enemy and that which his guard, when the hand that smote is stretched out to denies aid to your own country. The question is a close entice? shall man, bearing the image of his Creator, sink one, and may exercise the ingenuity of those who can thus low? shall the generous son of the West fall below detect the difference between the west side and the his own dumb and reasonless cattle, in all the attributes northwest side of a hair." It is not for me to confound of memory, gratitude, and sense of danger? shall his these votes and the extract of the speech with the words Timeo Dancos" have been taught to him in vain? shall and acts of those who received the successes of their own he forget the things which he saw, and part of which he country with grief, and its defeats with joy; who held was-the events of the late war-the memorable scenes "soft intercourse" with the enemy, when he had esta- of fifteen years ago The events of former times, of blished himself upon the soil, and upon the calamities of forty years ago, may be unknown to those who are born this Union; who saw, with savage exultation, the cruel since. The attempt to surrender the navigation of the massacre and dreadful burning of the wounded prisoners Mississippi; to prevent the settlement of the West; the at the river Raisin, and gave vent to their hellish joy, from refusal to protect the early settlers of Kentucky and Tenthe holy pulpit, in the impious declaration that “God had nessee, or to procure for them a cession of Indian lands; given them blood to drink." It is not for me to confound all these trials, in which the South was the savior of the these things; it may be for others to unmix them. I turn West, may be unknown to the young generation, that has to a more grateful task: to the contemplation of the con- come forward since; and with respect to these events, beduct of the South, in the same season of woe and calamity. ing uninformed, they may be unmindful and ungrateful. What was then their conduct? What their speeches and They did not see them; and, like the second generation their votes in Congress? Their efforts at home? Their of the Israelites, in the Land of Promise, who knew not prayers in the temple of God? Time and ability would the wonders which God had done for their forefathers in fail in any attempt to perform this task, to enumerate the Egypt, they may plead ignorance, and go astray after names and acts of those generous friends, in the South, strange gods; after the Baals and the Astaroths of the who then stood forth our defenders and protectors, and heathen; but not so of the events of the last war. These gave us men and money, and beat the domestic foe in the they saw! the aid of the South they felt! the deeds of a capitol, while we beat the foreign one in the field. Time party in the Northeast they felt, also. Memory will do and my ability would fail to do them justice; but there is its office for both; and base and recreant is the son of the one State in the South, the name and praise of which West that can ever turn his back upon the friends that the events of this debate would drag from the stones of saved, to go into the arms of the enemy that mocked and the West, if they could rise up in this place and speak. scorned him in that season of dire calamity. It is the name of that State upon which the vials, filled I proceed to a different theme. Among the novelties with the accumulated wrath of years, have been suddenly of this debate, is that part of the speech of the Senator and unexpectedly emptied before us, on a motion to post- from Massachusetts which dwells with such elaboration pone a land debate. That State, whose microscopic of of argument and ornament, upon the love and blessings fence, in the obscure parish of Colleton, is to be hung in of Union--the hatred and horror of disunion. equipoise with the organized treason, and deep damna- part of the Senator's speech which brought into full play' tion, of the Hartford Convention: that State, whose pre- the favorite Ciceronian figure of amplification. It was sent dislike to a tariff which is tearing out her vitals, is up to the rule in that particular. But, it seemed to me, to be made the means of exciting the West against the that there was another rule, and a higher, and a precewhole South: that State, whose dislike to the tariff laws is to dent one, which it violated. It was the rule of propriety; be made the pretext for setting up a despotic authority in that rule which requires the fitness of things to be consithe Supreme Court: that State which, in the old Con-dered; which requires the time, the place, the subject, gress, in 1785, voted for the reduction of the price of and the audience, to be considered; and condemns the depublic lands to about one-half of the present minimum; livery of the argument, and all its flowers, if it fails in conwhich, in 1786, redeemed, after it was lost, and carried, gruence to these particulars. I thought the essay upon by its single vote, the first measure that ever was adopted union and disunion had so failed. It came to us when for the protection of Kentucky, that of the two compa- we were not prepared for it; when there was nothing in nies sent to the Falls of Ohio: that State which, in the pe- the Senate, nor in the country, to grace its introduction; riod of the late war, sent us a Lowndes, a Cheves, and a nothing to give, or to receive, effect to, or from, the imCalhoun, to fight the battles of the West in the capitol, passioned scene that we witnessed. It may be, it was the and to slay the Goliahs of the North: that State which, at prophetic cry of the distracted daughter of Priam, breakthis day, has sent to this chamber, the Senator [Mr. HAYNE]ing into the council, and alarming its tranquil members whose liberal and enlightened speech, on the subject of the with vaticinations of the fall of Troy: But to me, it all public lands, has been seized upon and made the pretext for sounded like the sudden proclamation for an earthquake, that premeditated aggression upon South Carolina, and when the sun, the earth, the air, announced no such predithe whole South, which we have seen met with a promp-gy; when all the elements of nature were at rest, and sweet titude, energy, gallantry, and effect, that has forced the repose pervading the world. There was a time, and you, assailant to cry out an hundred times that he was still and I, and all of us, did see it, sir, when such a speech would alive, though we all could see that he was most cruelly pounded.

It was a

have found, in its delivery, every attribute of a just and rigorous propriety! It was at a time, when the five-stripMemory is the lowest faculty of the human mind; the ed banner was waving over the land of the North! when irrational animals possess it in common with man; the poor the Hartford Convention was in session! when the lanbeasts of the field have memory. They can recollect the guage in the capitol was, "Peaceably, if we can; foreihand that feeds, and the foot that kicks them; and the in- bly, if we must!" when the cry, out of doors, was, "the stinct of self preservation tells them to follow one, and Potomac the boundary; the negro States by themselves! to avoid the other. Without any knowledge of Greek or The Alleghanies the boundary; the Western savages by Latin, these mute, irrational creatures "fear the Greek themselves! The Mississippi the boundary, let Missouri offering presents;" they shun the food, offered by the be governed by a prefect, or given up as a haunt for hand that has been lifted to take their life. This is their wild beasts!? That time was the fit occasion for this instinet; and shall man, the possessor of so many noble speech; and if it had been delivered then, either in the faculties, with all the benefits of learning and experience, hall of the House of Representatives, or in the den of

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