JAN. 19, 1830.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[SENATE.

relief, where the defence of the new States, in this alarm- cultivate, but to sell, and other large claimants under foing conjuncture? Not in themselves. They are yet too reign grants, &c. not less than fifty millions more; making a weak; they must look abroad for help, and the history of grand aggregate of two hundred millions of acres now reathe past tells them where; tells them to look to that solid dy for purchasers. Now, if one hundred acres is sufficient phalanx in the South, and those scattering reinforcements for a farm, which will sustain a family of six persons, there of the Northeast, which, in 1787, saved the navigation is already enough, from these different sources, to accomof the Mississippi, and, in 1785, expunged the non-settle-modate twelve millions of persons, equal to the whole poment clause from the ordinance for the sale of Western pulation of the United States. But, suppose that one-half lands, and, in these two great acts, saved the infant West of this is unfit for cultivation, (a large deduction in a counfrom being stifled in its birth.

[Here the debate closed for this day.]

TUESDAY, JANUARY 19, 1830.
THE DEBATE CONTINUED.

Mr. FOOT'S resolution for suspending the surveys of the public lands, &c. being again under consideration-

try described as a perfect paradise) then it would be only sufficient for six millions. If, then, you have enough already surveyed to supply only six millions, is it necessary to be at the expense of surveying more, or rather, is it dangerous to inquire into the expediency of doing it? This question is the more impressive, when we reflect that this West contains three millions of inhabitants, and only twenMr. HOLMES rose, and said, if some stranger had hap- ty millions of the public land have yet been sold. And I pened to have been in the Senate when the Senator froin repeat, had this inquiry been permitted from the usual Missouri (Mr. BENTON] rose in the debate of yesterday, courtesy of the Senate, no excitement might have been and had listened to him throughout, he would have been apprehended from any quarter; all would have believed it led to conclude that the thirteen United States were thir-was in the spirit of reform; and coming from the quarter teen tyrants; that they had driven the emigrants to the it does, that there was some sincerity in it. Let us see, at West, exposed to savage beasts and savage men; that they least, whether we have not officers in this department who had not only withheld population, but had extended to have nothing to do, or nothing which we may want done them the hand of oppression; that, in spite of the savages on for many years. If so, instead of empty professions to the one hand, and our tyranny on the other, they had grown amuse, if not deceive the people, let us set to work in and flourished; that we had disregarded their complaints earnest. and remonstrances "as the capricious squalls of a child, But, we are told that we need not direct the Committee which did not know whether it was aggrieved or not," that to inquire, for gentlemen are able now to give us all nethis child had at length acquired the voice, vigor, and cessary information. Now, two Senators have volunteered courage of a man; had risen up, and hurled defiance in the to inform us. We expected, and had a right to expect, a teeth of its unnatural parent; that insurrection prevailed; detailed statement, as explicit as the report of a comthat discord was snapping her whip of scorpions; the mittee: for nothing else would fairly and properly distorch of rebellion was lighted; the flames of civil war pense with the inquiry. But, it was fairly predicted that, were kindled; and this resolution was to seal their subju- to give in a speech, a clear, precise, and accurate stategation. But when he came to learn that (lo! and behold!) ment, in detail, of the quantity, value, and location of nothing more was intended but to inquire whether a suffi- these lands, would be an attempt to which no man is cient quantity of our land was ready for sale to supply the equal; and if he was, it is not in the power of the demand; and, if so, whether some of the officers employ. human mind to comprehend it, merely by hearing ed in surveying them might not be dispensed with, he would it, and so it has turned out. The Senator from Illinois, be surprised, and suppose it was a dream. Thus, said Mr. [Mr. KANE] has attempted it in vain. Has any one obH. does impassioned eloquence magnify a small affair into tained the information we ask, from what he has said? If a fearful catastrophe. If there is danger of excitement, he has developed the whole subject, I, for one, am so unwho has created that danger? Surely the Senators who fortunate as not to comprehend it. He did, to be sure, have opposed the resolution. Had it passed sub silentio, tell us that the whole system needed modification, the as it was in the ordinary course of business, the rest would strongest argument for inquiry, and yet he was against it. have thought nothing of it. This inquiry is demanded for The Senator from Missouri [Mr. BENTON] has not the information of the Senate and the people. They want even attempted it. His remarks, when they applied to light. We ask an inquiry, and now, by this preliminary the subject at all, were confined chiefly to his own State, and premature discussion, the gentlemen have placed only a small portion of one of the five great land districts. themselves in this dilemma--if we make the inquiry, we Is this giving us a full view of the whole subject? It is no alarm the West; if we suppress it, the East will suspect compliment to our understandings to pretend it. The you. In these days, when reform has been promised and opposers of the inquiry are driven to one of two grounds; is expected, we ask for information on a subject so impor- that they have already informed us, or that we have no tant as our public domain, and this information is refused. right to know. But the information yet given is utterly What will be the inference? You raise every where sus-defective, and consists in declamation on the sufferings of picion and jealousy that something is wrong, which will the West. Your hand of oppression rests heavy on her; not bear the light. Sir, it is not for us, who call for this so heavy, that you must not even inquire into her condiinquiry, to give an accurate detail of the quantity, quality, tion. And will it be pretended that the people of the and location of these lands, nor of the number, duties, and United States have no right to understand the condition of emoluments, of the officers employed .It would be admit- their lands? Is information to be locked up, and is the ting at once, that we have all the information the resolution West exclusively to keep the keys? Sir, if we refuse to seeks. These are the very objects of the inquiry. We open the doors, the people will break them. No secrets! may have some knowledge, but not enough. This is my No secrets! Let us know every thing which concerns our case. We have five great land districts, viz: 1. Ohio and property or our liberty. But, says the Senator from MisIndiana; 2. Illinois, Missouri, and Arkansas; 3. South of souri, [Mr. B.] if you abolish the offices of surveyors, the the Tennessee, including Mississippi and Louisiana; -4. records will be taken away, and the people will be deprivAlabama; 5. Florida. In all these, we have surveyed one ed of their evidences of title. Indeed! How does this hundred and forty millions; sold and granted about thirty-follow? It would be strange, indeed, if, in abolishing an nine millions; leaving more than one hundred millions of office, it was beyond the power of legislation to provide acres still for sale. The quantity reserved by, or ceded for preserving the records, and authenticating copies. I to the States, is probably not less than fifty millions; and believe, sir, that every Legislature has, in dispensing with what is in the hands of speculators, who purchased not to an office, taken care to preserve the records, and to pro

SENATE.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[JAN. 19, 1830.

vide the means of using them. It is a perfect non sequitur, over, is the admission into the Union, before they had the an utter inconsequence, that the records would share the requisite numbers, proof of this hostility? Does the adfate of the office. mission of Missouri evince such hostility? Sir, this is an

But, the resolution does not go far enough; it is con- event which I shall long remember. But for Eastern memfined to the surveyors. Now, sir, I should suppose, bers, Missouri would now be a province. That Senator if I could look upon this subject with ordinary gravity, would not be here. This Hall would never have witnessthat, should the Committee report to abolish the principal ed the triumph of his eloquence, nor the ardor of his paoffices, it would not be very far exceeding their authority triotism. Eastern members took their lives in their hands to determine that the subordinate and dependent ones when they defended the cause of Missouri. They acted were also unnecessary. A resolution for inquiry, I should against the honest prejudices of their constituents. Prethink, need not be quite so formal and technical as to stand judices did I say? No, principles which they deem corthe test of a 66 plea in abatement." If it presented a rect, emanating from the best feelings of the human heart. definite proposition which required the direct action of I will appeal to both of these Senators for the truth of the Senate, it should be drawn with such special care as what I say. They were literally knocking at the door of accurately to define the subject on which we were to act; the Senate, and Eastern men were exerting their powers but an inquiry gives a latitude to the Committee, as to sub-to burst it open and let them in. It is illiberal to charge jects collateral. the East with hostility to Missouri.

The

The new States, we are told, have parted with the pow- But because it was proposed, by Eastern members of the er of protecting themselves. Sir, I don't understand this. old Congress, to provide, in the ordinance of '87, that eveWhat power have they surrendered? What power have ry section in one township should be sold, before another they not now, which they ever had before? Is it political should be offered for sale, (which proposition did not prepower? The power granted them or their ancestors, by vail) the Senator infers that this is evidence of hostility. the ordinance of 1787? Did they surrender this or any Now it seems to me that this inference is, to say the least, other, on their admission into the Union? I was surpris- a little uncharitable. I could easily perceive that a very ed at the remark; and I should wish to understand its im- patriotic and charitable motive might have induced this port; and how, and in what this surrender had been made. proposition. At that time the settlers would be opposed Is it physical power which is surrendered? What can be to numerous and powerful savage tribes. They would be meant? Has it come to this, that the people of the West obliged in some measure to defend themselves. It would are urged to resort to their native strength to take back be safest, therefore, to keep them as compact as possible: what they have fairly and constitutionally conceded, or ra- for the more they should scatter, the more would they be ther to exact more than we have conceded to them? I exposed. The members from the East had near and dear hope and trust that the time is far distant when any bold friends, who had emigrated to that country, and it might or ambitious aspirant will be able to seduce them from be their motive to protect them. When a good and a bad their allegiance to this Union. But we are told that, by motive may be assigned to an act, it is the part of charity a series of measures pursued by the East, we have evinc- to assign the good, especially when the person implicated ed a settled and determined hostility to the West; and that is dead, and cannot therefore defend his motives. too for the purpose of checking emigration. Sir, this is a Senator from Missouri illustrates this case by a turkey. heavy charge. For what purpose, or from what policy, A man has two turkeys cooked and on the table, and he could originate this hostility? Are they not our own bre- obliges his guests to eat one, bones and all, before he will thren, "bone of our bone, and flesh of our flesh?" Were carve the other. The analogy seems to be most unfortunot those lands ceded to us for the purpose of settlement? nate. We have sold but twenty millions of the public Of what value would the cession have been to us, had our lands, and there are now two hundred millions to be sold. policy been not to settle them? We know that these lands His turkey then has one tenth of flesh, and nine tenths of would not, and could not, pay any of our public debt un-bones; a poor turkey truly. Is this a fair description of less they could be settled. It is preposterous, therefore, the paradise of the West? If it is, there is little need of to suppose that any statesman would wish to throw a stum-checking emigration. But to carry his figure of the turbling block in the way of the growth and prosperity of this key a little further, and his case would be this: A man immense and delightful country. But, if you insist that it has twenty guests, and he serves up twenty turkeys, one is so, here is a paradox to be solved. How does it hap- for each, and each takes his dinner out of his turkey, and pen that, with the savages on one side, and our tyranny they are all left partially eaten and all mangled. Now this on the other, this country has increased and flourished be- is exactly the case of bringing more land into the market yond all parallel? At the time of the census of 1790, what than can possibly be wanted. is now Ohio had perhaps a population of ten thousand; at The Senator [Mr. B.] has read from the debates of the that of 1800, about forty thousand; in 1810, two hundred Virginia convention, to prove that the East were disposed and thirty thousand; and in 1820, five hundred and eighty to give to Spain our right of navigation of the Mississippi. It thousand, and now was probably a million! And all this, in seems that this alienation came incidentally into discussion, spite of savage barbarities and domestic oppressions. All and it was apprehended that, under the constitution which the West, in the space of forty years, has increased three was to be adopted, the new Government would have more millions. Sir, with facts like these, let an impartial world power to do this than would the old confederation. decide upon the cruelty and tyranny of the parent States. Grayson had stated that this was the disposition of the East, Is the ordinance of the 13th July, 1787, a state paper and chiefly inferred it from the supposed fact that we had which does us honor, and which was drawn by a citizen of no interest in that navigation. If this same Mr. Grayson Massachusetts, evidence of this hostility? Five States was an able statesman, he had not then learnt much of gemarked out and defined, to be admitted into the Union, ography: for he stated that Massachusetts had no interwhen each or either should have a population of sixty thou- course with the Mississippi, but by the St. Lawrence, or sand, and the pledge in this respect more than redeemed; the Hudson! When the fact is, that Massachusetts, for religious freedom, trial by jury, habeas corpus, represen- half a century, has had a more intimate intercourse with tation, common law, bail-all the securities of life, liberty, the Mississippi than even the State of Maryland. A man and property-guarantied, and excessive fines, cruel pun- who could deliberately advance such an opinion, can ishments, and ex post facto and retrospective laws forbid- scarcely be considered very high authority on any subden-all the essential rights for which our Revolution was ject. Mr. Madison, however, a real statesman, put it achieved, and which raise the freemen above the slave, se- all right, showed the connexion of the East with the West, cured! Does this look like hostility to the West? More-and denied that the Eastern people ever would be willing

A Mr.

JAN. 19, 1830.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[SENATE

to make the concession. The next charge against the East would be a very different resolution in its acceptability is, that a distinguished citizen of Massachusetts had disco- and bearings, if the form was changed into an inquiry vered hostility to the West, in giving up our claims upon how the Union could be strengthened, or into the expediTexas. The Florida treaty was negotiated when he was ency of strengthening it by any system of roads and caSecretary of State, and it was long in negotiation. I was nals, any disposition of the public lands, or any regulation then a member of the Committee of Foreign Relations in of commerce, that might come within the purview of the the other House, and, from the connexion of that Commit- constitution, and, at the same time, not tend to alienate tee with the Executive, I had an opportunity of knowing one portion of our political brotherhood from the other something of that negotiation; and though I do not deem portion. Mr. W. forbore to enter into further illustrait proper to state particular conversations, I do know that tion or detail; as enough had been said to indicate the imthe distinguished citizen was the last who gave up the Co-portance, in such cases, of mere phraseology, and how lorado for a boundary, and accepted of the Sabine. easy it was to conciliate and soothe, where conciliation,

Sir, I beg pardon of the Senate for thus detaining them. and not irritation, was the real design.

It was chiefly to resist the attempt to excite sectional jea- If he were to glance at the state of the country now, lousies that I rose. It has always been my course. When and not go back to its condition and its policy on the pubwe were involved in war, and an attempt was made, as in lic lands forty years ago, which, he agreed with the genNew England, to do this, I resisted it. When now it is at-tleman from Maine, might now be entirely inapplicable, tempted in the West, I will resist it still. I will bear in he should say that the resolution, on that account also, mind-for it sunk deep into my heart--the legacy of the ought to have a much wider scope than it now possessed. Father of his Country to his children. The sectional jea- The more extended were our surveys and sales, the lousies which have been excited in this debate have quicker would be the probable payment of our public brought it fresh to my recollection. God grant that the debt, to which these lands stood firstly and sacredly good sense of the people of the West may spurn the in- pledged. The more extended were our surveys and fatuation! sales, the better could we compete, for income and popu

Mr. WOODBURY said he rose, not with a view of en-lation, with the other great land owners on our north and tering at large into the debate, or of repeating any sugges-southwest, and even with parts of Europe and Asia. We tions made by him on a former occasion; but he held in his must take the world as it is, most of it at peace and cultihand a motion, which, he flattered himself, perhaps in vating the arts of peace, and throwing open its vacant vain, might meet the approbation of gentlemen on both spots of territory to the poor and oppressed from all resides. The resolution under consideration was, avowedly, gions. The institutons of the old world were becoming one for mere inquiry, and not intended in any degree to yearly more liberal, that their territories might not bealarm or injure the West. Every gentleman from the East, come deserts. Beside turning the tide of emigration that who had advocated its passage, indignantly repelled any set to this country, by extraordinary advantages held out other design. This was honorable and right. On the con- in Southern Africa, the whole continent of New Holland, trary, every gentleman who had opposed its passage, whe- and on the coast of the Black Sea-even Persia, within ther from the East or West, repelled, with equal indigna- half a dozen years, had circulated her proclamations, in tion, any design to stifle inquiry, suppress information, both London and Paris, promising to actual settlers, land, or exclude light. Imputations of these kinds, come whence freedom from taxes, and liberty of conscience. they may, were to be presumed alike groundless and un- Our free institutions gave us, to be sure, great advanjust. What, then, is honestly wanted on both sides? An tages over monarchies and despotisms, in attracting emiinquiry into the subject of the surveys and sales of public grants; but it must be recollected that other Governlands may be as thorough as gentlemen please; but an in- ments are also becoming more free; that new and cheaper quiry instituted in such form as not to create alarm; or, be- lands are flung open: and that most of the emigrants hithforehand, to imply any opinion on the present system unfa- er, of late, have consisted of artisans rather than agriculvorable to the interest and hopes of the new States in the turists. But on our own immediate borders had arisen West. He trusted, therefore, that the gentleman from the greatest rivalship, and one which had begun to create Connecticut, who introduced this resolution, would con- a large drain even to our own native population. Setsent to any modification likely to attain this object; as [Mr. tlers were systematically invited into Canada, by the most W. presumed] that gentleman went for substance rather favorable terms as to land, and by almost an entire exthan form. It was doubtless more important to that gen- emption from taxes; while on our southwest, under a Gotleman, to have the subject of the surveys and sales inquir-vernment free in form as our own, the largest tracts of ed into by the Committee, than the particular manner in the richest soil were bestowed with a most liberal hand. which the subject was referred. He had before him a letter, received from a friend since

He proposed, therefore, to alter only the manner of this resolution was offered, containing an account of grants the inquiry. In this case of the West, as in some other by the Mexican Government, to a native of New Hampcases, he might say with Mirabeau, that "words were shire, among others, of lands larger in extent than the things." He could easily see that one form of inquiry whole of that State, or the State which the honorable mover might excite fear and jealousy, which would be entirely re- of this resolution represents; land, also, on the finest of moved by a different form, and still the investigations of rivers, and near our southwestern borders, on the simple the committee be equally full, and the result of their in-condition of actual settlement to the small extent required vestigations the same. Let us bring the question a little by the laws of colonization in Mexico, passed in 1825. closer home. Would it be equally agreeable to the At-One other consideration on our own solemn engagements. lantic seaboard, to have passed a resolution of inquiry in- How are we ever, in good faith, to permit the Northwestto the expediency of limiting the number of light houses, ern Territory to become States, unless we permit the lands of stopping the improvement of harbors, or of abandon- to be surveyed, and sold at a moderate price, so as to ing the removal of obstructions in our rivers, as to have throw into that territory the requisite population for one pass for inquiring into the expediency of increasing States? and how can the population there, deem it honorathe number of light houses, extending the improvement ble or just for us to talk of liberality in admitting them to of our harbors, and of removing more generally the ob- be States a little under the population required, if we ✔structions in our rivers? As a still stronger illustration, stop the surveys and sales before they can approach near and as an illustration only, what gentleman, who had advo- the requisition; or if we stop them after they become cated this resolution, would like to vote for a mere inquiry States, and reserve our lands for beasts of prey and sainto the expediency of dissolving the Union? But it vages to roam over, rather than permit them to be bought

SENATE.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[JAN. 19, 1830.

and cultivated by the thousands of civilized freemen, States, according to present numbers. He was glad, he with small pecuniary means, who are now looking, in the said, to find a measure proposed from the Northeast that pursuit of happiness and new homes, to Canada and Tex- would bring this identical plan into re-consideration beas? To borrow a course of reasoning applied so often in fore the Committee, supported by the arguments of the regard to the tariff, he would ask if no counteracting re- gentleman from New Hampshire; and should vote for his gulations were necessary to meet the measures of other proposed amendment.

nations? Many who have sought, and many who would Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, said there was no necessity now seek, what once were called the Western wilds, lock for the amendment, as the Committee had already the to us for a new policy, in accordance with the new condi- same powers it proposed to confer. Although he was tion of this country and the age in which we live. Public opposed to the measure which the resolution of the genpolicy, forty years ago, might have been rather to contract tleman from Connecticut [Mr. Foor] purported to have the settlements, for increased security against the toma- in view, yet he should vote for the resolution. What would hawk and scalping knife. But no such motive now exist-be said, if this resolution were rejected? That we were ed. Our own little world should all be open where to afraid of inquiry. At the first stage of the new adminischoose; to the young and enterprising of the East as well tration he would wish to avoid the charge of being hostile as the West. Compared with former years, they had no to any investigation. If the resolution goes to a comdangers nor difficulties there to fear, and their friends be-mittee, they will make a report, and he said it was desirable hind felt much less reluctance at parting with them in to put down the jealousies which a contrary course would their removal to regions of improved and improving laws, excite. The excitement of one part of the Union against institutions, and morals. Those behind, also, he trusted, the other was, if prevalent, extremely unfortunate. Mr. felt neither jealousy nor distrust. Many of them had S. stated that the policy of the Government in all probeen reared under the same roof, taught in the same jects having reference to the Western States has been inschools, had worshipped in the same temples. dulgent. He said he would vote against the amendment He hoped that these and similar considerations, as well as being unnecessary, and in support of the resolution, for as those suggested by him on a former occasion, would the reasons stated. A gentleman had been alluded to by vindicate him in the wish to have all the public lands sur-the gentleman from Missouri, [Mr. BENTON] in the course veyed as speedily as possible, and then sold on such terins, of his remarks, of which he [Mr. S.] thought it necessary and with such despatch, as the present state of this coun- to take notice. That gentleman said, alluding to a custry and of the world rendered proper, looking to our true tinguished character, that he had ceded by negotiation a and lasting interests, and exercising, in regard to the fair portion of the land belonging to the United States. lands, a policy worthy the impartiality and liberality so of ten professed.

Mr. W. concluded by offering the following amendment: After the word "expediency," insert the words "of adopting measures to hasten the sales, and extend more rapidly the surveys of the public lands-"

Mr. S. said that he had been an actor on that occasion, and was well acquainted with the subject; that he had been informed at the time that a quarrel had taken place between the gentleman alluded to and Don Onis, the minister on the part of Spain, and they had separated not to meet again on the subject; that a quarrel arose, as he was Mr. FOOT made a few observations in reply to Mr. informed and believed, on the determination of the AmeWOODBURY. The amendment [he said] was opposed to rican negotiator that the Colorado must and should be the resolution he offered. It proposed an inquiry direct- the boundary line; that the negotiators met again at the rely the opposite to his. He suggested whether the gentle- quest of mutual friends; what passed afterwards he did man might not as well offer his amendment in the form of not know, further than that he could assure the Senator a distinct resolution, after the adoption of the resolution from Missouri that the gentleman alluded to by him was he offered, and then the whole subject would lie open to not the first to recede to the Sabine as the boundary of the the Committee. United States.

Mr. BARTON said he liked this amendment, and the Mr. LIVINGSTON said, in all deliberative assemremarks of the gentleman from New Hampshire. He be- blies with which I have been acquainted, there are two lieved the inquiry, in the form proposed by the amend- modes of deciding on a resolution requiring the opinion ment, would throw open precisely the same field of inqui- of a committee on the expediency of a proposed measure ry as that of the gentleman from Connecticut; and, as one-one, the most ordinary and regular mode directing the member, he should take into view those topics suggested reference as a matter of course, which mode gave rise to by the latter, if the resolution should assume the new no presumption of the opinion of the House on the meaform. This form of inquiry would also prevent the very sure proposed by the resolution; the other mode is that excitements in the West deprecated by the gentleman from of opposing the inquiry as useless, or by an investigation Maine. It was a great object to have free inquiry into our of the subject, showing that it would be improper to public concerns. It was, he said, also a great object to ground any measures on such a result of the inquiry as give public satisfaction, and to allay and prevent sectional seemed to be expected by the resolution-I say seemed jealousies and suspicions. He also accorded in opinion to be expected, because the mover certainly would not with the gentleman from New Hampshire in the propriety have wished for an inquiry merely to satisfy curiosity, and of counteracting measures against the bounties to emi- the phraseology of the resolution evidently shows the obgrants held out in Canada by the British Government, and ject to be, that the sales of lands shall be restricted to in Texas by that of Mexico. The Senate would recollect those already surveyed. The debate, then, not having that, in 1828, in his opposition to the "Graduation Bill," turned on the necessity of an inquiry, but on the propriety his only objections were the encouragement it would give of the measure itself, which was to be made the subject speculators, and its prostration of the actual cultivators of inquiry, it was as competent to the Senate to decide under the weight of combination and wealth. But he now, whether such restriction of the sale of lands was an had, at the same time, proposed a substitute, offering to advisable measure, as it would be on the report of a give small estates in lands to those who would settle them. committee: for such report could give us no facts that we To give away lands to the citizens who needed them, as a were not in possession of; and, after the turn the debate countervailing measure to the policy of our surrounding had taken, a vote of reference to a committee would be neighbors, who tempt away some of our people, was his considered as an acquiescence in the propriety of the constant policy; but it had been smothered under the measure contemplated by the resolution. Therefore, alschemes of the day; and nothing had, as yet, been obtain- though I should have voted for the reference, if the measure ed, except a disposition to divide the lands among the had taken its usual course, I cannot do so under existing cir

JAN. 19, 1830.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[SENATE.

Mr. S. said, if the gentleman from Connecticut, [Mr. Fooт] and the gentleman from New Hampshire, [Mr. WooDBURY] would consent to this modification, he would now, if in order, move it as an amendment. If it was not now in order, he said he would make the motion at another time.

cumstances. The State whose interests I advocate and Resolved, That the Committee on the Public Lands be partly represent, has suffered too much from the delay in instructed to inquire whether it be expedient to limit for the sale of the public lands already, not to render this a certain period the sales of the public lands to such lands proposition of restraining them still further, a fatal one to only as have heretofore been offered for sale, and are subher interest, with a population of one hundred and sixty ject to entry at the minimum price. And also whether thousand inhabitants, to bear all the charges of Govern- the office of Surveyor General may not be abolished withment: her increase has been checked for twenty-five years; out detriment to the public interest, or whether it be exduring which, according to the natural course of things, pedient to adopt measures to hasten the sales, and extend that population ought to have been at least doubled. The more rapidly the surveys of the public lands. lands of the United States, amounting to thirty-one millions, are not only exempt from taxes, but the inhabitants are forced, if they wish to keep up a communication between themselves in some of the settlements, and to protect their property from inundations, to make roads, bridges, and embankments, on the public lands. A law to restrict the sales of public lands to those already surveyed, would be equivalent to a law to stop them altogether: for although, of the thirty-one millions of acres owned by BENTON and Mr. WOODBURY. He repelled the imthe United States, two millions seven hundred thousand have been surveyed, yet not a tenth part of that quantity has been sold, and of what remains, not a tenth part will ever sell; it is morass or pine barren. Therefore, a law to stop the surveys would be equivalent to a law to put a stop to the further increase of the State, and entailing upon its present inhabitants and their descendants, the burthen of all the taxes and all the services required for defending and improving the lands of the United States. There are two views in which the subject may be considered; that in which the pecuniary interest of the United States is alone considered--the other, that in which the infinitely more important political interest of the new States is concerned.

The PRESIDENT said the motion was not in order. Mr. FOOT made a few observations in reply to Mr. putation that it was through any hostile motives to the West he proposed the resolution. He said the question here involved was one of great and increasing importance and interest, and added, that if the resolution and amendment, in the modified form, were adopted, he'should move to add to the whole, the words "propriety of making donations to actual settlers."

On the motion of Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, a division of the question was ordered.

Mr. HAYNE said that, if the gentlemen who had discussed this proposition had confined themselves strictly to the resolution under consideration, he would have spared the Senate the trouble of listening to the few remarks he now proposed to offer. It has been said, and correctly said, In the first view, considering the United States simply by more than one gentleman, that resolutions of inquiry as a great landholder, what are its interests? To sell as were usually suffered to pass without opposition. The speedily and for as good a price as they can; but the parliamentary practice in this respect was certainly founded greater choice you give to settlers, the more speedily it in good sense and sound policy, which regarded such reis evident; that you can sell; and the better land you throw solutions as intended merely to elicit information, and thereinto the market, as evidentlythe better price you can com- fore entitled to favor. But [said Mr. H.] I cannot give mand. This can only be done by continuing your surveys.my assent to the proposition so broadly laid down by some The political view of the question is one that would re-gentlemen, that, because nobody stands committed by a quire an investigation not now necessary to be gone into. vote for inquiry, that, therefore, every resolution proposThe strength of the Union depends on the popula-ing an inquiry, no matter on what subject, must pass almost tion, wealth, resources, and industry, of the States, its com- as a matter of course, and that, to discuss or oppose such ponent parts. Whatever cramps them, restrains the gen-resolutions, is unparliamentary. The true distinction seems eral welfare, and reduces its strength. The money to be to be this: Where information is desired as the basis of drawn from the sale of the lands is but a feather in the legislation, or where the policy of any measure, or the scale of great national policy; and if the population of the principles it involves, are really questionable, it was States would be increased by disposing of them, even always proper to send the subject to a committee for invesfor nominal price, we ought not to hesitate. In another tigation; but where all the material facts are already known, point of view, the surveys are highly important. They and there is a fixed and settled opinion in respect to the give us an accurate knowledge, not only of the situation, policy to be pursued, inquiry was unnecessary, and ought but the quality and value of our land. Its facilities for to be refused. No one, he thought, could doubt the corimprovement by roads, canals, and proximity to market; rectness of the position assumed by the gentleman from and even if the sales were stopped, the surveys ought to Missouri, that no inquiry ought ever to be instituted as to go on. What great landed proprietor who does not be- the expediency of doing "a great and acknowledged gin by this operation? And shall the greatest of all land- wrong." I do not mean, however, to intimate an opinion holders, from a fear of expense, neglect it? These are that such is the character of this resolution. The applicasome of the advantages resulting from a perseverance in tion of these rules to the case before us will decide my the judicious plan which has been adopted in relation to vote, and every Senator can apply them for himself to the our public lands. These are some of the injurious effects decision of the question, whether the inquiry now called which would result from abandoning it. What are the benc- for should be granted or refused. With that decision, fits expected from a change? I have not heard a single one whatever it may be, I shall be content. suggested. My votewill be governed by these considerations. I have not risen, however, Mr. President, for the purMr. SPRAGUE suggested the propriety of combining pose of discussing the propriety of instituting the inquiry both the propositions before the Senate in one resolution. recommended by the resolution, but to offer a few remarks He said he was willing to vote for an inquiry, whether the on another and much more important question, to which surveys of the public lands ought, on the one hand, to be gentlemen have alluded in the course of this debate-I mean stopped, or on the other hand, whether they ought to be the policy which ought to be pursued in relation to the extended. If the gentleman would consent to adopt both public lands. Every gentleman who has had a seat in propositions, he [Mr. S.] said he would support the re- Congress for the last two or three years, or even for the solution. Both objects contended for by gentlemen would last two or three weeks, must be convinced of the great be thus attained. He would therefore suggest a modifi-and growing importance of this question. More than cation of the resolution, in the following form: half of our time has been taken up with the discussion of