JAN. 27, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATE. It own law. Now it so happens, nevertheless, that Mr. is as popular, just as truly emanating from the people, Madison himself deems this same tariff law quite constitu- as the State Governments. It is created for one purpose; tional. Instead of a clear and palpable violation, it is, in the State Governments for another. It has its own powhis judgment, no violation at all. So that, while they use ers; they have theirs. There is no more authority with his authority for a hypothetical case, they reject it in the them to arrest the operation of a law of Congress, than very case before them. All this, sir, shows the inherent with Congress to arrest the operation of their laws. We futility-I had almost used a stronger word-of conced- are here to administer a constitution emanating immediately ing this power of interference to the States, and then from the people, and trusted, by them, to our administraattempting to secure it from abuse by imposing qualifica- tion. It is not the creature of the State Governments. tions, of which the States themselves are to judge. One is of no moment to the argument, that certain acts of the of two things is true; either the laws of the Union are be- State Legislatures are necessary to fill our seats in this yond the discretion and beyond the control of the States, body. That is not one of their original State powers—a or else we have no constitution of General Government, part of the sovereignty of the State. It is a duty which and are thrust back again to the days of the confederacy. the people, by the constitution itself, have imposed on the Let me here say, sir, that, if the gentleman's doctrine State Legislatures; and which they might have left to be had been received and acted upon in New England, in the performed elsewhere if they had seen fit. So they have times of the embargo and non-intercourse, we should pro- left the choice of President with electors; but all this does bably not now have been here. The Government would, not affect the proposition that this whole Government-very likely, have gone to pieces, and crumbled into dust. President, Senate, and House of Representatives-is a poNo stronger case can ever arise than existed under those pular Government. It leaves it still all its popular characlaws; no States can ever entertain a clearer conviction ter. The Governor of a State (in some of the States) is than the New England States then entertained; and if they chosen, not directly by the people, but by those who are had been under the influence of that heresy of opinion, as chosen by the people, for the purpose of performing, I must call it, which the honorable member espouses, this among other duties, that of electing a Governor. Is the Union would, in all probability, have been scattered to Government of a State, on that account, not a popular the four winds. I ask the gentleman, therefore, to apply Government? This Government, sir, is the independent his principles to that case; I ask him to come forth and de- offspring of the popular will. It is not the creature of clare, whether, in his opinion, the New England States State Legislatures. Nay, more, if the whole truth must would have been justified in interfering to break up the be told, the people brought it into existence, established embargo system, under the conscientious opinions which it, and have hitherto supported it, for the very purpose, they held upon it? Had they a right to annul that law? amongst others, of imposing certain salutary restraints on Does he admit or deny? If that which is thought palpa- State sovereignties. The States cannot now make war; they bly unconstitutional in South Carolina, justifies that State cannot contract alliances; they cannot make, each for itin arresting the progress of the law, tell me, whether that self, separate regulations of commerce; they cannot lay which was thought palpably unconstitutional also in Mas-imposts; they cannot coin money. If this constitution, sachusetts, would have justified her in doing the same sir, be the creature of State Legislatures, it must be adthing? Sir, I deny the whole doctrine. It has not a foot mitted that it has obtained a strange control over the voliof ground in the constitution to stand on. No public man tions of its creators. of reputation ever advanced it in Massachusetts, in the The people, then, sir, erected this Government. They warmest times, or could maintain himself upon it there at gave it a constitution; and in that constitution they have any time. enumerated the powers which they bestow on it. They I wish now, sir, to make a remark upon the Virginia re-have made it a limited Government. They have defined its solutions of 1798. I cannot undertake to say how these authority. They have restrained it to the exercise of such resolutions were understood by those who passed them. powers as are granted; and all others, they declare, are reTheir language is not a little indefinite. In the case of the served to the States or to the people. But, sir, they have exercise, by Congress, of a dangerous power, not granted not stopped here. If they had, they would have accomto them, the resolutions assert the right, on the part of the plished but half their work. No definition can be so State, to interfere, and arrest the progress of the evil. clear as to avoid possibility of doubt; no limitation so preThis is susceptible of more than one interpretation. It cise, as to exclude all uncertainty. Who then shall conmay mean no more than that the States may interfere by strue this grant of the people? Who shall interpret their complaint and remonstrance; or by proposing to the peo- will, where it may be supposed they have left it doubtful? ple an alteration of the Federal constitution. This would With whom do they repose this ultimate right of deciding all be quite unobjectionable; or, it may be, that no more on the powers of the Government? Sir, they have settled is meant than to assert the general right of revolution, as all this in the fullest manner. They have left it with the against all governments, in cases of intolerable oppression. Government itself, in its appropriate branches. Sir, the This no one doubts; and this, in my opinion, is all that he very chief end, the main design, for which the whole conwho framed the resolutions could have meant by it: for I stitution was framed and adopted was, to establish a Goshall not readily believe that he was ever of opinion that vernment that should not be obliged to act through State a State, under the constitution, and in conformity with agency, or depend on State opinion and State discretion. it, could, upon the ground of her own opinion of its un-The people had had quite enough of that kind of governconstitutionality, however clear and palpable she might ment, under the Confederacy. Under that system, the think the case, annul a law of Congress, so far as it should legal action, the application of law to individuals, belongoperate on herself, by her own Legislative power. ed exclusively to the States. Congress could only recomI must now beg to ask, sir, whence is this supposed right mend; their acts were not of binding force, till the States of the States derived? Where do they find the power to had adopted and sanctioned them. Are we in that condiinterfere with the laws of the Union Sir, the opinion tion still? Are we yet at the mercy of State discretion, which the honorable gentleman maintains, is a notion and State construction? Sir, if we are, then vain will be founded on a total misapprehension, in my judgment, of our attempt to maintain the constitution under which we the origin of this Government, and of the foundation on sit. But, sir, the people have wisely provided, in the conwhich it stands. I hold it to be a popular Government, stitution itself, a proper, suitable mode and tribunal for erected by the people; those who administer it, responsi- settling questions of constitutional law. There are, in the ble to the people; and itself capable of being amended and constitution, grants of powers to Congress, and restricmodified, just as the people may choose it should be. It tions on these powers. There are, also, prohibitions on SENATE.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [JAN. 27, 1830. the States. Some authority must, therefore, necessarily pretations? Instead of one tribunal, established by all, exist, having the ultimate jurisdiction to fix and ascertain responsible to all, with power to decide for all, shall conthe interpretation of these grants, restrictions, and prohi- stitutional questions be left to four and twenty popular bitions. The constitution has, itself, pointed out, ordain-bodies, each at liberty to decide for itself, and none bound ed, and established, that authority. How has it accomplish- to respect the decisions of others; and each at liberty, too, ed this great and essential end? By declaring, sir, that to give a new construction on every new election of its "the constitution, and the laws of the United States made own members? Would any thing, with such a principle in pursuance thereof, shall be the supreme law of the in it, or rather with such a destitution of all principle, be land, any thing in the constitution or laws of any State to fit to be called a government? No, sir. It should not be the contrary notwithstanding." denominated a constitution. It should be called, rather, This, sir, was the first great step. By this, the supre-a collection of topics, for everlasting controversy; heads macy of the constitution and laws of the United States is of debate for a disputatious people. It would not be a declared. The people so will it. No State law is to be government. It would not be adequate to any practical valid which comes in conflict with the constitution or any good, nor fit for any country to live under. To avoid all law of the United States. But who shall decide this ques- possibility of being misunderstood, allow me to repeat tion of interference? To whom lies the last appeal? This, again, in the fullest manner, that I claim no powers for the sir, the constitution itself decides also, by declaring "that Government by forced or unfair construction. I admit the judicial power shall extend to all cases arising under that it is a Government of strictly limited powers, of enuthe constitution and laws of the United States." These merated, specified, and particularized powers; and that two provisions, sir, cover the whole ground. They are, whatsoever is not granted, is withheld. But notwithstandin truth, the key-stone of the arch. With these, it is a con- ing all this, and however the grant of powers may be exstitution; without them, it is a confederacy. In pursuance pressed, its limit and extent may yet, in some cases, admit of these clear and express provisions, Congress established, of doubt; and the General Government would be good at its very first session, in the Judicial Act, a mode for car- for nothing, it would be incapable of long existing, if some rying them into full effect, and for bringing all questions mode had not been provided, in which these doubts, as of constitutional power to the final decision of the Supreme they should arise, might be peaceably, but authoritatively, Court. It then, sir, became a Government. It then had solved. the means of self protection; and, but for this, it would, in And now let me run the honorable gentleman's doctrine all probability, have been now among things which are a little into its practical application. Let us look at his propast. Having constituted the Government, and declared bable modus operandi. If a thing can be done, an ingenious its powers, the people have farther said, that, since some-man can tell how it is to be done. Now, I wish to be informed body must decide on the extent of these powers, the Go-how this State interference is to be put in practice without vernment shall itself decide; subject, always, like other violence, bloodshed, and rebellion. We will take the existpopular governments, to its responsibility to the people. ing case of the tariff law. South Carolina is said to have And now, sir, I repeat, how is it that a State Legislature made up her opinion upon it. If we do not repeal it, (as acquires any power to interfere? Who or what gives them we probably shall not) she will then apply to the case the right to say to the people, "we, who are your agents the remedy of her doctrine. She will, we must suppose, and servants for one purpose, will undertake to decide pass a law of her Legislature, declaring the several acts that your other agents and servants, appointed by you for of Congress, usually called the tariff laws, null and void, another purpose, have transcended the authority you gave so far as they respect South Carolina, or the citizens them?" The reply would be, I think, not impertinent: thereof. So far, all is a paper transaction, and easy "Who made you a judge over another's servants? To enough. But the collector at Charleston is collecting the their own masters they stand or fall." duties imposed by these tariff laws; he, therefore, must be Sir, I deny this power of State Legislatures altogether. stopped. The collector will seize the goods if the tariff duIt cannot stand the test of examination. Gentlemen ties are not paid. The State authorities will undertake their may say that, in an extreme case, a State Government rescue: the marshal, with his posse, will come to the colmight protect the people from intolerable oppression. lector's aid, and here the contest begins. The militia of the Sir, in such a case, the people might protect themselves, State will be called out to sustain the nullifying act. They without the aid of the State Governments. Such a case will march, sir, under a very gallant leader: for I believe warrants revolution. It must make, when it comes, a law the honorable member himself commands the militia of for itself. A nullifying act of a State Legislature cannot that part of the State. He will raise the nullifying act on alter the case, nor make resistance any more lawful. In his standard, and spread it out as his banner! It will have maintaining these sentiments, sir, I am but asserting the a preamble, bearing, that the tariff laws are palpable, derights of the people. I state what they have declared, liberate, and dangerous violations of the constitution! He and insist on their right to declare it. They have chosen will proceed, with this banner flying, to the custom house to repose this power in the General Government, and I in Charleston: think it my duty to support it, like other constitutional powers. "All the while, For myself, sir, I do not admit the jurisdiction of South Arrived at the custom house, he will tell the collector Carolina, or any other State, to prescribe my constitutional that he must collect no more duties under any of the taduty, or to settle, between me and the people, the vali- riff laws. This he will be somewhat puzzled to say, by dity of laws of Congress, for which I have voted. I decline the way, with a grave countenance, considering what her umpirage. I have not sworn to support the constitu- hand South Carolina herself had in that of 1816. But, tion according to her construction of its clauses. I have sir, the collector would, probably, not desist at his bidnot stipulated, by my oath of office, or otherwise, to come ding. Here would ensue a pause: for they say that a cerunder any responsibility, except to the people, and those tain stillness precedes the tempest. Before this military whom they have appointed to pass upon the question, array should fall on the custom house, collector, clerks, whether laws, supported by my votes, conform to the and all, it is very probable some of those composing it constitution of the country. And, sir, if we look to the would request, of their gallant commander in chief, to be general nature of the case, could any thing have been informed a little upon the point of law: for they have, more preposterous than to make a government for the doubtless, a just respect for his opinions as a lawyer, as whole Union, and yet leave its powers subject, not to well as for his bravery as a soldier. They know he has one interpretation, but to thirteen, or twenty-four, inter- read Blackstone and the constitution, as well as Turenne and JAN. 27, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATE. Governments and the General Government, they can alter that distribution at will. Vauban. They would ask him, therefore,something concerning their rights in this matter. They would inquire whether it was not somewhat dangerous to resist a law of the If any thing be found in the national constitution, either United States. What would be the nature of their offence, by original provision, or subsequent interpretation, which they would wish to learn, if they, by military force and ought not to be in it, the people know how to get rid of it. array, resisted the execution, in Carolina, of a law of the If any construction be established, unacceptable to them, United States, and it should turn out, after all, that the so as to become, practically, a part of the constitution, law was constitutional? He would answer, of course, they will amend it at their own sovereign pleasure. But treason. No lawyer could give any other answer. John while the people choose to maintain it as it is; while they Fries, he would tell them, had learned that some years are satisfied with it, and refuse to change it, who has giagd. How, then, they would ask, do you propose to de-ven, or who can give, to the State Legislatures, a right fend us? We are not afraid of bullets; but treason has a to alter it, either by interference, construction, or otherway of taking people off, that we do not much relish. wise? Gentlemen do not seem to recollect that the peoHow do you propose to defend us? "Look at my float-ple have any power to do any thing for themselves; they ing banner," he would reply; "see there the nullifying imagine there is no safety for them any longer than they law!" Is it your opinion, gallant commander, they would are under the close guardianship of the State Legislatures. then say, that, if we should be indicted for treason, that Sir, the people have not trusted their safety, in regard to same floating banner of your's would make a good plea the general constitution, to these hands. They have rein bar? "South Carolina is a sovereign State," he would quired other security, and taken other bonds. They reply. That is true; but would the judge admit our plea? have chosen to trust themselves, first, to the plain words "These tariff laws," he would repeat, "are unconstitu- of the instrument, and to such construction as the Governtional, palpably, deliberately, dangerously." That all ment itself, in doubtful cases, should put on its own powmay be so; but if the tribunals should not happen to be ers, under their oaths of office, and subject to their responof that opinion, shall we swing for it? We are ready to sibility to them; just as the people of a State trust their die for our country, but it is rather an awkward business, own State Governments with a similar power. Secondly, this dying without touching the ground! After all, that they have reposed their trust in the efficacy of frequent is a sort of hemp tax, worse than any part of the tariff. elections, and in their own power to remove their own The honorable gentleman would be in a dilemma like that servants and agents, whenever they see cause. Thirdly, of another great general: he would have a knot before they have reposed their trust in the Judicial power, him which he could not untie. He must cut it with his which, in order that it might be trust-worthy, they have sword: he must say to his followers, defend yourselves made as respectable, as disinterested, and as independent with your bayonets!-and this is war--civil war. as was practicable. Fourthly, they have seen fit to rely, Direct collision, therefore, between force and force, is in case of necessity, or high expediency, on their known the unavoidable result of that remedy for the revision of and admitted power to alter or amend the constitution, unconstitutional laws which the gentleman contends for. peaceably and quietly, whenever experience shall point It must happen in the very first case to which it is applied. out defects or imperfections. And, finally, the people of Is not this the plain result? To resist, by force, the exe-he United States have, at no time, in no way, directly or cution of a law, generally, is treason. Can the courts of indirectly, authorized any State Legislature to construe the United States take notice of the indulgence of a State or interpret their high instrument of Government; much to commit treason? The common saying that a State can- less to interfere, by their own power, to arrest its course not commit treason herself, is nothing to the purpose. and operation. Can she authorize others to do it? If John Fries had pro- If, sir, the people, in these respects, had done otherduced an act of Pennsylvania, annulling the law of, Con-wise than they have done, their constitution could neither gress, would it have helped his case? Talk about it as have been preserved, nor would it have been worth prewe will, these doctrines go the length of revolution. serving. And, if its plain provisions shall now be disreThey are incompatible with any peaceable administration garded, and these new doctrines interpolated in it, it will of the Government. They lead directly to disunion and become as feeble and helpless a being as its enemies, civil commotion; and therefore it is, that, at their com- whether early or more recent, could possibly desire. It mencement, when they are first found to be maintain- will exist, in every State, but as a poor dependent on ed by respectable men, and in a tangible form, I enter my State permission. It must borrow leave to be; and will public protest against them all. be no longer than State pleasure, or State discretion, sees fit to grant the indulgence, and to prolong its poor existence. The honorable gentleman argues that, if this Government be the sole judge of the extent of its own powers, whether that right of judging be in Congress or the Su- But, sir, although there are fears, there are hopes, also preme Court, it equally subverts State sovereignty. This The people have preserved this, their own chosen constithe gentleman sees, or thinks he sees, although he cannot tution, for forty years, and have seen their happiness, perceive how the right of judging, in this matter, if left prosperity, and renown, grow with its growth, and to the exercise of State Legislatures, has any tendency to strengthen with its strength. They are now, generally, subvert the Government of the Union. The gentleman's strongly attached to it. Overthrown by direct assault, it opinion may be,that the right ought not to have been lodged cannot be; evaded, undermined, nullified, it will not be, with the General Government; he may like better such a con- if we, and those who shall succeed us here, as agents and stitution as we should have under the right of State inter-representatives of the people, shall conscientiously and ference; but I ask him to meet me on the plain matter of vigilantly discharge the two great branches of our public fact; I ask him to meet me on the constitution itself; I ask trust, faithfully to preserve, and wisely to administer it. him if the power is not found there, clearly and visibly found there?-(Note 3.) I have thus stated the reasons of my dissent to the doc. trines which have been advanced and maintained. I am But, sir, what is this danger, and what the grounds of conscious, sir, of having detained you and the Senate much it? Let it be remembered that the constitution of the too long. I was drawn into the debate with no previous United States is not unalterable. It is to continue in its deliberation, such as is suited to the discussion of so grave present form no longer than the people, who established and important a subject. But it is a subject of which my it, shall choose to continue it. If they shall become con heart is full, and I have not been willing to suppress vinced that they have made an injudicious or inexpedient the utterance of its spontaneous sentiments. I cannot, partition and distribution of power, between the State even now, persuade myself to relinquish it, without ex NOTE 2. وو [JAN. 27, 1830. Extracts from Mr. Calhoun's Speech on Mr. Randolph's pressing, once more, my deep conviction, that, since it whom they were appointed, being an order of the day, respects nothing less than the union of the States, it is of was called up, and which is contained in the following remost vital and essential importance to the public happi- solution, viz: "Congress having had under consideration the letter of ness. I profess, sir, in my career, hitherto, to have kept steadily in view the prosperity and honor of the whole John Dickinson, Esq. chairman of the commissioners It who assembled at Annapolis during the last year; also, the country, and the preservation of our Federal Union. is to that Union we owe our safety at home, and our con- proceedings of the said commissioners, and entirely coinsideration and dignity abroad. It is to that Union that we ciding with them, as to the inefficiency of the Federal are chiefly indebted for whatever makes us most proud of Government, and the necessity of devising such further our country. That Union we reached only by the disci- provisions as shall render the same adequate to the exipline of our virtues in the severe school of adversity. It gencies of the Union, do strongly recommend to the had its origin in the necessities of disordered finance, different Legislatures to send forward delegates, to meet prostrate commerce, and ruined credit. Under its be- the proposed convention, on the 'second Monday in May nign influence, these great interests immediately awoke, next, at the city of Philadelphia.' as from the dead, and sprang forth with newness of life. Every year of its duration has teemed with fresh proofs of its utility and its blessings; and, although our territory has stretched out wider and wider, and our population spread farther and farther, they have not outrun its protection or its benefits. It has been to us all a copious fountain of national, social, and personal happiness. I have not allowed myself, sir, to look beyond the Union, the degree of protection which ought to be afforded to to see what might lie hidden in the dark recess behind. our cotton and woollen manufactures; all professing to be I have not coolly weighed the chances of preserving friendly to those infant establishments, and to be willing to extend to them adequate encouragement. The present liberty, when the bonds that unite us together shall be motion assumes a new aspect. It is introduced, professedbroken asunder. I have not accustomed myself to hang |ly, on the ground that manufactures ought not to receive over the precipice of disunion, to see whether, with my short sight, I can fathom the depth of the abyss below; any encouragement; and will, in its operation, leave our nor could I regard him as a safe counsellor, in the affairs cotton establishments exposed to the competition of the cotton goods of the East Indies, which, it is acknowledg of this Government, whose thoughts should be mainly ed on all sides, they are not capable of meeting with sucbent on considering, not how the Union should be best preserved, but how tolerable might be the condition of cess, without the proviso proposed to be stricken out by the motion now under discussion. Till the debate assumthe people when it shall be broken up and destroyed.ed this new form, he determined to be silent; participat While the Union lasts, we have high, exciting, gratifying prospects spread out before us, for us and our children.ing, as he largely did, in that general anxiety which is felt, after so long and laborious à session, to return to the Beyond that, I seek not to penetrate the veil. God grant bosom of our families. But on a subject of so much vital that, in my day, at least, that curtain may not rise. grant that, on my vision, never may be opened what lies importance, touching, as it does, the security and permabehind. When my eyes shall be turned to behold, for ent prosperity of our country, he hoped that the House the last time, the sun in heaven, may I not see him shin- would indulge him in a few observations." "To give perfection to this state of things, it will be ing on the broken and dishonored fragments of a once glorious Union; on States dissevered, discordant, belli- necessary to add, as soon as possible, a system of Internal gerent; on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it Improvements, and, at least, such an extension of our namay be, in fraternal blood! Let their last feeble and lin-, as will prevent the cutting off our coasting trade. The gering glance, rather, behold the gorgeous ensign of the advantage of each is so striking as not to require illustrarepublic, now known and honored throughout the earth, tion, especially after the experience of the late war." "He firmly believed that the country is prepared, even still full high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming to maturity, for the introduction of manufactures. We in their original lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, have abundance of resources, and things naturally tend, nor a single star obscured, bearing for its motto no such at this moment, in that direction. A prosperous commerce miserable interrogatory as, What is all this worth? Nor has poured an immense amount of commercial capital into those other words of delusion and folly, Liberty first, and this country. This capital has, till lately, found occupaUnion afterwards: but every where, spread all over in tion in commerce; but that state of the world which transcharacters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds, ferred it to this country, and gave it active employment, as they float over the sea and over the land, and in every has passed away, never to return. Where shall we now wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, find full employment for our prodigious amount of tondear to every true American heart-Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable! Notes--By Mr. Webster. NOTE 1. God nage? Where markets for the numerous and abundant products of our country? This great body of active capital, which, for the moment, has found sufficient employment in supplying our markets, exhausted by the war, and measures preceding it, must find a new direction; it WEDNESDAY, February 21, 1787. will not be idle. What channel can it take but that of Congress assembled: Present, as before. manufactures? This, if things continue as they are, will The report of a Grand Committee, consisting of Mr. be its direction. It will introduce an era in our affairs, in Dane, Mr. Varnum, Mr. S. M. Mitchill, Mr. Smith, many respects highly advantageous, and ought to be counMr. Cadwallader, Mr. Irvine, Mr. N. Mitchell, Mr. tenanced by the Government. Besides, we have already Forrest, Mr. Grayson, Mr. Blount, Mr. Bull, and Mr. surmounted the greatest difficulty that has ever been Few, to whom was referred a letter of 14th Septem- found in undertakings of this kind. The cotton and woolber, 1786, from J. Dickinson, written at the request of len manufactures are not to be introduced-they are alreacommissioners from the States of Virginia, Delaware, dy introduced to a great extent; freeing us entirely from Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York, assembled at the hazards, and, in a great measure, the sacrifices, expethe city of Annapolis, together with a copy of a report of rienced in giving the capital of the country a new direcsaid commissioners to the Legislatures of the States by tion. The restrictive measures, and the war, though not JAN. 27, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATE. intended for that purpose, have, by the necessary opera-general principles, without regard to their interest, a certion of things, turned a large amount of capital to this tain encouragement should be extended, at least to our new branch of industry. He had often heard it said, both woollen and cotton manufactures." To the quotations from the speeches and proceedings of the Representatives of South Carolina, in Congress, during Mr. Monroe's administration, may be added the following extract from Mr. Calhoun's report on roads and canals, submitted to Congress on 7th January, 1819, from the Department of War: in and out of Congress, that this effect alone would indem- “This nation [Mr. C. said] was rapidly changing the nify the country for all its losses. So high was this tone of character of its industry. When a nation is agricultural, feeling,, when the want of these establishments was prac-depending for supply on foreign markets, its people may tically felt, that he remembered, during the war, when be taxed through its imports almost to the amount of its some question was agitated respecting the introduction of capacity. The nation was, however, rapidly becoming, foreign goods, that many then opposed it on the grounds to a considerable extent, a manufacturing nation." of injuring our manufactures. He then said, that war alone furnished sufficient stimulus, and perhaps too much, as it would make their growth unnaturally rapid; but that, on the return of peace, it would then be time to show our affection for them. He, at that time, did not expect an apathy and aversion to the extent which is now seen. But it will, no doubt, be said, if they are so far established, "A judicious system of roads and canals, constructed and if the situation of the country is so favorable to their for the convenience of commerce, and the transportation growth, where is the necessity of affording them protec- of the mail only, without any reference to military operation? It is to put them beyond the reach of contingency." tions, is itself among the most efficient means for the "It has been further asserted, that manufactures are the more complete defence of the United States.' Without fruitful cause of pauperism; and England has been referred adverting to the fact that the roads and canals which such to, as furnishing conclusive evidence of its truth. For a system would require, are, with few exceptions, precisehis part, he could perceive no such tendency in them, ly those which would be required for the operations of but the exact contrary, as they furnished new stimulus war; such a system, by consolidating our Union, increasand means of subsistence to the laboring classes of the ing our wealth and fiscal capacity, would add greatly to? community. We ought not to look at the cotton and wool- our resources in war. It is in a state of war, when a nation len establishments of Great Britain for the prodigious is compelled to put all its resources, in men, money, skill, numbers of poor with which her population was disgrac- and devotion to country, into requisition, that its Governed; causes much more efficient exist. Her poor laws, and ment realizes, in its security, the beneficial effects from a statutes regulating the prices of labor, with taxes, were people made prosperous and happy by a wise direction of the real causes. But, if it must be so, if the mere fact that its resources in peace. NOTE 3. England manufactured more than any other country, ex- "Should Congress think proper to commence a system plamed the cause of her having more beggars, it is of roads and canals for the more complete defence of the just as reasonable to refer her courage, spirit, and all her United States,' the disbursements of the sum appropri masculine virtues, in which she excels all other nations, ated for the purpose might be made by the Department of with a single exception-he meant our own-in which we War, under the direction of the President. Where inmight, without vanity, challenge a pre-eminence. Ano- corporate companies are already formed, or the road or cather objection had been, which he must acknowledge was nal commenced, under the superintendence of a State, it better founded, that capital employed in manufacturing perhaps would be advisable to direct a subscription on the produced a greater dependence on the part of the em- part of the United States, on such terms and conditions as ployed, than in commerce, navigation, or agriculture. It might be thought proper." is certainly an evil, and to be regretted; but he did not think it a decisive objection to the system; especially when it had incidental political advantages which, in his opinion, bear so pertinently and so strongly on this point of the deThe following resolutions of the Legislature of Virginia more than counterpoised it. It produced an interest strictly American, as much so as agriculture, in which it had bate, that they are thought worthy of being inserted in a the decided advantage of commerce or navigation. The referred to in the discussion. It will be observed that these note, especially as other resolutions of the same body are country will, from this, derive much advantage. Again: resolutions were unanimously adopted in each House. it is calculated to bind together more closely our widely spread republic. It will greatly increase our mutual dependence and intercourse; and will, as a necessary consequence, excite an increased attention to Internal Improvements a subject every way so intimately connected with the ultimate attainment of national strength, and the perfection of our political institutions." VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE. Extract from the Message of Governor Tyler, of Virginia, with submitted, with Governor Snyder's letter accompany"A proposition from the State of Pennsylvania is hereing the same, in which is suggested the propriety of amendExtracts from the Speech of Mr. Calhoun, April, 1816, on ing the constitution of the United States, so as to prevent collisions between the Government of the Union, and the State Governments." the Direct Tax. HOUSE OF DELEGATES, FRIDAY, December 15, 1809. On motion, Ordered, That so much of the Governor's communication as relates to the communication from the Governor of Pennsylvania, on the subject of an amendment proposed by the Legislature of that State to the constitution of the United States, be referred to Messrs. Peyton, Otey, Cabell, Walker, Madison, Holt, Newton, Parker, Stevenson, Randolph, (of Amelia) Cocke, Wyatt, and Ritchie.--Page 25 of the Journal. "In regard to the question how far manufactures ought to be fostered, [Mr. C. said] it was the duty of this country, as a means of defence, to encourage the domestic industry of the country, more especially that part of it which provides the necessary materials for clothing and defence. Let us look to the nature of the war most likely to occur. England is in possession of the ocean. No man, however sanguine, can believe that we can deprive her, soon, of her predominance there. That control deprives us of the means of maintaining our army and navy cheaply clad. The question relating to manufactures must not depend on the abstract principle that industry, left to THURSDAY, January 11, 1810. pursue its own course, will find in its own interest all the Mr. Peyton, from the Committee to whom was referred encouragement that is necessary. I lay the claims of the that part of the Governor's communication which relates manufacturers entirely out of view, [said Mr. C.] but, on to the amendment proposed by the State of Pennyslvania VOL. VI.-11 |