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acted with promptitude. Writing to Lord Elphinstone on the 31st of December, he vindicated his colleagues from any thought of giving him personal offence, adding that he himself was unable to see any reason for umbrage.

The President in Council within his jurisdiction was the supreme authority in India. Your Government was as much subordinate in official position to the President in Council as you are superior to Mr. Dorin in personal rank. I must stand by my colleagues, firstly, because I am bound to say that I think they had a perfect right to object to the extent to which they believed that petitions were still received, and to ask what had actually been done in execution of the Court's orders; and secondly, because the minutes of yourself and colleagues are so exceedingly fiery that really, unless we make defence, our lesser light over here will not only pale before yours, but will be utterly snuffed

out.

But the Governor-General's time was not wholly occupied in these unpleasant episodes. He was busily engaged with Outram in discussing the affairs of Oudh, and preparing for the orders of the Court, which were still delayed. He also gave his attention to arrangements for the arrival of his successor, for whom he despatched the Firoze to Suez, after some repairs in which he took a personal interest. "This letter will meet you at Aden," he wrote on the 22nd of December to Lord Canning.

You must excuse me if I confess to feeling a small shock on writing these words, and if in addressing you within the “Indian limits," I feel as a Scot must do when he first sees his own wraith.

We may now pass from the home-life of Lord Dalhousie in India to the study of his work in various departments of the administration, leaving him in

tolerable spirits, anxious only to receive the Court's orders regarding Oudh, and to give effect to them before quitting office. As the year 1855 came to its close, he expressed himself satisfied that his life had been spared to fulfil his promise of remaining in India until March, 1856, and that the clouds which had gathered in July and August had given place to a clear sky and sunshine after storms.

CHAPTER III

FOREIGN AFFAIRS

India's part in the Crimean war, 1854-Herbert Edwardes appointed Commissioner of Peshawar-Russia's inability to attack India— India's inability to make a diversion in Central Asia-Lord Dalhousie's opposition to the schemes of Rawlinson and the Bombay Government-He objects to denuding India of European troopsAdvocates the neutrality of Persia-Outline of his policy with regard to Afghanistan-Grounds of complaint against the Amir-Herbert Edwardes directed to procure information-Lord Dalhousie objects to incurring detailed obligations to the Amir-Edwardes given carte blanche, but only in matter of expenditure-Lawrence's views upon the danger of overtures from us, and on the character of the Afghans -Tactful negotiations with Nazir Khairulla-A new emissary, Mufti Gholam Hyder-Lord Dalhousie's views about a subsidy— Lawrence's opinion on Afghan feelings towards Russia- Nazir Khairulla's views on same subject-Rahimat Khan appears on the scene-Edwardes' draft of a treaty-Premature announcement in Parliament The Amir proposes to appoint Sultan Mahomed Khan as his envoy-Amir's letter and Governor-General's reply-Lord Dalhousie's draft of a treaty-Fouzdar Khan proceeds to Kabul— Edwardes informed of Amir's preference for John Lawrence, 1855Treaty completed at Peshawar on 30th of March-Lawrence recommended for K.C.B.; Edwardes goes without reward-Treaty with Kelat, 1854-Objection of home authorities to annual subsidyResults of treaty with the Khan of Kelat-Review of Lord Dalhousie's foreign policy.

1854. ON the outbreak of war with Russia in 1854, Lord Dalhousie was compelled to deal with those complex and many - -sided questions of external policy which have

continued to engross the attention and disappoint the hopes of his successors. At that time the interest of the problem was focussed upon the single point whether the Russian and the Indian Empires were within striking distance of each other. Was it possible that Russia should despatch an expedition against India? Could the Government of India take a useful part in the national struggle by creating a diversion in Central Asia? Lord Dalhousie answered these questions in the negative. He dismissed as groundless all apprehension of a Muscovite attack, and resolutely refused to embark upon any wild scheme of Anglo-Indian advance to meet the enemy. When he had secured the acquiescence of Her Majesty's Government in the decision which he had formed, he resisted to the utmost the pressure put upon him to allow the European garrison to be reduced, and forcibly demonstrated the danger of thus denuding India. But his precautions were not those of a merely negative character. The treaties which he concluded with Afghanistan and Baluchistan were the reply of the Government of India to the challenge thrown down by Russia. Their effect has lasted beyond the occasion which called them forth. The agreement made with the Amir was more than a public act of reconciliation. It kept the ruler of Afghanistan steadfast and loyal in the crisis of 1857, and it laid a foundation upon which the Viceroys of India have built. The agent whom Lord Dalhousie employed in carrying through the negotiations was well chosen. On the death of Mackeson, Herbert Edwardes had been selected as Commissioner of Peshawar, and his selection, although questioned at the time, was abundantly justified by the result. The "Scotch terrier" proved himself as successful and as ready of resource in the field of diplomacy as he had been in the

face of Mulraj's troops. He rose to the responsibilities of the high office which his patron clearly set before him in the following letter, dated Government House, 17th October, 1853:—

I have much and real pleasure in acquainting you that the Government has selected you to fill the very important and difficult office so sadly vacated by the slaughter of my poor friend Mackeson. In the whole range of Indian charges I know of none which at the present time is more arduous than the Commissionership of Peshawar. Holding it, you hold the outpost of Indian Empire. Your past career and your personal qualifications and abilities give me assurance that in selecting you I have chosen well for its command; and I feel confident that your tenure of it will advance you by another and a long stride towards the third letter G, which I once already anticipated for you, and towards the high and solid reputation of which that letter will be the sign. You have a fine career before you. God speed you in it for your own sake, and the sake of this Empire.

The negotiations with the Amir of Kabul, which were thus entrusted to Edwardes, and brought to a conclusion by John Lawrence, will be more readily understood if a brief account is first given of the views of the Marquis of Dalhousie upon the two questions which have just been stated. Of the possibility of a Russian invasion the Governor-General wrote to Sir C. Wood on the 13th of June, 1854, in these terms:

That if Russia should invade India with all the power she can command at present, her army would be exterminated, even if it ever reached the borders of India, is quite certain; that India is capable, and will ever be capable, so long as England shall remain what she is among the Powers of the world, to drive back any invasion that the power of Russia, Persia, and Central Asia combined could bring against our western frontier, I feel as confident in affirming as I do of my existence; and I should wish for no better lot than that such an invasion should be led by the Emperor in person, and that I should be the Governor-General when it

came.

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