VOL. II. NEW-YORK, SATURDAY, JUNE 4, 1814. NO. 3. shedding of human blood; because they were in their nature temporary, growing out of the European war, and capable of existing in any degree only during its continuance; ending when that should end, and which no force of ours could cause a termination of sooner. We always believed that fair and liberal negotia→ tion might procure us almost all we had a right to demand; but that so far from truly and honestly using that, our administration had from personal and party motives conducted all their negotiations with Great Britain in a style of resentment, and ill nature, and sul republics; the French aimed at universal dominion; no justice, not the appearance of it, not even the affectation of it, was practised by them! And yet to the French our administration were mild and humble; to the British lofty, ill tempered and taunting. We, there “With all thy faults, I love thee still.” It is very evident that the majority of the people of the United States, have rejected the doctrine of the federalists, that the pre-lenness, which had, and could have, for their sent was, at its commencement," an unjust object, only a continuance of our misunderwar." If there was any use in pressing this standings. That such was their object, we doctrine, certainly those who believe in it, believed not merely from the ill temper which would be bound to persist in it. The obser- was remarkable in all their correspondence vations, however, which my opportunities with the British, but from the tame, humble have enabled me to make, lead me to say, and base servility with which every thing was that declarations of this sort, by whatever ar- received from the French, and the skittish and gument they may be supported, have no other sometimes fawning, hysterical timidity, which effect upon the people at large, than to irri-disgraced our correspondence with them. The tate: and being irritated, they become inca- French had issued the first objectionable pable of deciding calmly and justly upon those edict; the French were governed by a tymatters which involve the common safety.rant, who was also an usurper, a destroyer of When it is told them that the present war is unjust, they consider that we mean by it, that we have not had any cause of complaint against Great Britain. The doctrine goes out, but the argument, the explanation is seldom regarded. When it is told them that the war is unjust, they think we mean that Great Bri-fore, believed that a regard for American tain has been all in the right, and the United rights, and American interests, was not the States all in the wrong. All this is a great foundation of the councils of our cabinet. We mistake, I allow. But it is a mistake which believed the war unjust then, not because will certainly be made by those whose igno- Great Britain had always done us right; not rance, and especially by those whose feverish because our connexions with her were free prejudices cause them to receive every thing from difficulties, but because these might have proceeding from federalists with extreme dis- been easily enough adjusted by negotiation, if trust and apprehension. Now I have always such negotiation had been conducted in a prounderstood the war to have been considered per spirit. We believed the war to have been by us, as unjust, not because we have not had desired, sought aud declared from bad motives cause of complaint against Great Britain at on the part of the administration; and that it different times; not because there are no dif- was, in that sense, unjust; in that sense wicked. ficnities between us; but because these com- We believed especially that after the orders plaints and these difficulties were not of suffi- in council were revoked, and remembering cient magnitude and pressure, to warrant the what arrangements in regard of impressments, good, for they have no interest but in the ge neral good. And yet they continue obstinate were agreed upon by Munroe and Pinkney with the British cabinet, (see 1st vol. Ex. p. 41.) that there was, at that time, certainly no dif-ly, zealously, furiously to support these men ficulty which could not be arranged, and we all considered the war to be from that period, beyond all cavil, unnecessary, unjust and wicked. I say again, not because every thing claimed, on the part of this country, ought to be given up, but because those things which we were fairly entitled to, could have been easily obtained, by negotiation. It has been often attempted to impress this argument upon the body of the people; but the result has proved, upon the majority of them, in vain. They will not listen to the man, and they are determined to hate the party, which calls the war unjust. Such a national insanity is most lamentable. exists; it is apparent, palpable. we to do with it? Let those who think they can make the great mass comprehend their argument, persist. But those who think otherwise, will perhaps see the propriety of letting that topic alone altogether. But it They see disaster and disgrace in the wake of every movement, and yet they adhere to them! How it this wONDER, this lamentable, dreadful wonder, this most pernicious infatua-tion to be explained? How is the country to be rescued from the hands which evidently are able to do nothing but to spread calamity over its surface, and infamy over its character? Have the federalists been altogether so careful, so prudent, so precise and explicit as they might have been? Have they not suffered their real principles and views to be misunderstood? Is the mass of the community entitled to all the blame of keeping our incompetent administration in power? The admi-nistration acts, and infamously enough, God knows. The federalists only talk and write. And it would seem, in such a way, that they are more disliked for what they talk and write, than the administration is for what it does. Bad as it acts, the majority like it, betThe GREAT EVIL under which we have suf- ter than they do us! It cannot be because of fered, and do and must suffer, is an INCOMPE- the old slanders which infamously charged the TENT ADMINISTRATION. It is an evil, palpa-disciples of Washington with being tories and ble, confessed, universally acknowledged; the monarchists. That calumny has become andemocrats themselves, and all those who vote tiquated and stale. You seldom hear of it for them, acknowledge it. And yet they do now, except from some besotted vagabond, or nevertheless support not merely the measures hireling editor, and even from these but very of, but the men, who compose this incompe- seldom. We have gained elections in the tent, this wofully incompetent administration! state, as well as the city, when the lying caThey support these men from the president lumniators were much more infamously vocidown to Alderman Buckmaster. ferous and boisterous on these topics, than Certainly this is most strange. If the fact now. And yet we have lost our election. In were not notorious, it would be incredible. There is in all this business, something, I am afraid, of which we have not well considered. If, as the fact certainly is, the majority of the people cling, with desperate obstinacy to an adminstration confessedly, notoriously, deplorably incompetent; if at the very moment when the elector deposits his ballot for them, he is willing to declare them unfit, and yet the ballot goes in, it must be, because he apprehends from the success of fede ralism, something even worse, than the evils which are continually proceeding from a feeble and an incompetent administration. If some of these electors are bad men, and no doubt they are, all certainly are not so; the greater part wish to promote the general New-England federalism has been able to hold its own, and no more. In New-York and New-Jersey we have been defeated. Both these states have declared in favour of the incompetent administration which has covered the country with disgrace; from which no good is even hoped; from which nothing is expected, but the same course of calamity, disaster and disgrace, we have so long been doomed to witness and deplore. Why are these things? In my most sober judgment, I can give but one answer: The motives, the principles, the patriotism of the federal party are not understood. And who is to blame for this? Has it been brought about entirely by the calumnies and falsehoods of our opponents? Is it owing en tirely to the stupidity of the people, to their | ed to operate against the people of Great Bridetermination to destroy themselves and ustain, has been found to be far more injurious to us than to them. states. the right of navigation from port to port withThe last act laying an embargo, interdicted in the limits of the state, and fishing on its coasts; from this species of restraint we have probably suffered more than all the other other parts of the act, were generally thought But though those provisions, and to be infringements of the constitution, we have not heard of any violence in opposing titled to much credit, for the exercise of that them. Our fellow citizens are therefore enforbearance which was recommended by the late legislature. too? Far from it; I do not believe a word of it. These causes are operative no doubt; but they are not the deciding causes; these have not turned the scale. What is it then? I approach this question with apprehension and awe; not because my friend Mr. Coleman may take it into his head to suppose I mean him, but because it is a subject on which the greatest wisdom is alone competent to decide; and because I do most sincerely believe that the welfare of this country depends entirely upon a correct decision of it. For upon a correct decision of it, will depend the restoration to power of federal patriots; and in my soul's most deep and solemn conviction, I believe, that upon their restoration depends the political salvation of the United States. Such views and reflections upon the subject, as exist in my understanding, I propose, on a future occasion, to lay before the readers of the Ex-had a right by the constitution to demand; aminer. SPEECH OF THE GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS. From the time that war was declared, a great proportion of the people in this state have viewed that measure as unnecessary and unjustifiable; their sentiments were fully expressed by their representatives then assembled, and afterwards, at every subsequent meeting of the state legislature. Our nationthat with these sentiments we should do any al rulers had, therefore, no reason to expect, thing more in support of the war, than they and they could not expect it, unless they supposed we were destitute of moral principle. Nor has the manner of carrying on the war bad any tendency to satisfy us of its justice or policy; it was commenced and is still prosecuted against the unoffending inhabitants of Gentlemen of the Senate, and Canada, with whom many of the people of Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, these states are connected by the ties of blood At the last session of the late general court, and the habits of friendship. But as congress. memorials were presented from a number of have authority by the constitution to declare towns, complaining of the act of congress lay- war, and to impose taxes to defray the exing an embargo; they were referred to a compense, we are bound to obey the laws which mittee, who reported that in their opinion are duly enacted for this purpose; and I am the act was unconstitutional and void in divers happy to observe, that none of the measures of its provisions; but at the same time ex- of the general government have been opposed pressed their hope that the people of this by violence, and no dangerous commotions commonwealth would, as far as possible, re- have disgraced the people in this commonstrain their feelings, and wait patiently for wealth. I flatter myself that our fellow citithe interposition of the state government for zens will continue to manifest the same retheir relief. This report was accepted by the gard to order, and will confide in you, gentlelegislature, and it was thereupon resolved that men, as the guardians of their rights, to adopt the memorials above mentioned should be de-such measures for their relief and safety, as livered to the governor, with a request that your wisdom shall dictate, and the constitu he or his successor in office, should cause the tion of our country justify. same to be laid before the then next general We can hardly conceive, that in the present court, at an early day in their first session.state of France and England, the members of In compliance with this request, I will direct the secretary to deliver them to the two houses. our government can have any temptation to continue the war. We hope that they will perceive the danger of being involved in the Since the transaction above mentioned, the politics and quarrels of Europe. That they embargo and non-importation laws have been will provide for the common defence, and repealed; this event must afford peculiar sa- make no attempts to extend our territory, eitisfaction to the people of this state, as it ther by conquest or purchase, or to allure the seems to indicate a milder and more pacific subjects of foreign powers to become citizens disposition in the government, and may be of the United States. That they will proconsidered as a final relinquishment of that re-tect the Indian tribes in their rightful possesstrictive system, the effects of which we have sions; and that they will seek peace in the abundantly experienced in the course of the spirit of candour and reconciliation, and imlast seven years; and which, however design-pose no unreasonable restraints hereafter up on commercial enterprise. We may then hope to become once more a prosperous and united people. Who does not remember the summer 1812, when darkness, thick darkness, gathered over the heart, and hid the destinies of nations? It was then, that France spread her proud and valiant armies over Russia-almost the only nation that dared to resist her pow er; certainly, the only nation that did not dread the event. The world had so long looked upon France as irresistible, and her ultimate universal sway as inevitable, that it was prepared to hear that the decisive blow had been struck in the north. Battles and confla I have received a letter from the governor of Pennsylvania, which inclosed a resolution of the senate and house of representatives of that state, proposing that an amendment to the constitution of the United States shall be adopted, by which the term of service of the senators in congress shall be reduced from six to four years. These papers will be laid be fore you. As we have been elected by our constitu-grations-the desolating march of the invaents to the offices in which we have now en-der-the calm and wary retreat of his advergaged, they have a right to expect that we sary, were, for months, the gloomy subjects shall pursue a disinterested and impartial of reflection and conversation. We heard no course of conduct, and guard their interests clamorous boasting from the invaded power; with steadiness and fidelity. Whatever claims neither did it sink, or even falter, under the we make to patriotism, if we appear solicitous weight, that seemed ready to overwhelm nafor our own advancement, or endeavour, by tions in its fall. It was uniformly acknowunfair methods to insure the success of a par-ledged that dreadful sacrifices must be made, ty we belong to, our fellow citizens may well doubt our sincerity when we pretend to an anxious concern for the public good. The real patriot makes no sacrifice of truth or duty to gain the confidence of the people, nor will he deviate from the strictest rules of integrity to effect any purpose, how important soever it may seem to the interests of his country; he wishes that the state and nation may prosper, whoever directs their affairs; and is content with his own proportion of the public happiness. Divers subjects, interesting to particular sections of the state or to individuals, were postponed at the close of the last session of the general court from the want of sufficient time to discuss them; I presume they will now receive the attention to which they are entitled. If any matters of importance shall occur to me, of which you, gentleman, may not be informed, or which may seem to escape your recollection, I will communicate them by a message. May 30, 1814. CALEB STRONG. and they were endured without repining. The unbroken mind was still left. The oppressed were faithful to themselves. They were alone; but they knew their danger, and were not too sunken to struggle. They knew their strength; and the struggle was vigorous and unremitted. At the moment when their overthrow seemed entire, they broke forth from the darkness which had enshrouded them, and the invader was crushed. The world awoke from its despondency, and beheld, accomplished in a month, what it had hardly dared to anticipate as the result of centuries. In this part of our own country, the exultation of all good men was as lofty as the triumph which called it forth. It followed the conquerors to the Elbe. Victory seemed then to languish, and our joy grew faint and exhausted. The confidence, inspired by former success, began to stagger after the battles of May, 1813; though the Russians acted in them for the same policy as before. They fought well-retreated well-and Bonaparte was unwilling and unable to pursue them, iu spite of his proud victories, for which Italy and France, and Holland, and Germany, were mediately the opinion spread that the day of so grateful. But an armistice followed-imhope was gone, and that the Russians, great as they were, must yield. There were fears for them, but no confidence. It was then said that the victory of Borodino was clearly on One may be at a loss to decide, whether it the side of France-that storms, and not vais most amusing or vexatious to see, in En- lour, had broken down the French—and that gland as well as this country, the change of the negotiations and treaties of former years tone, opinion and hope, at every rumour from would again give a dishonourable peace to the continent. Surely, if the allies are ever Europe. But there was a Providence kinder to deserve confidence, it is now-for, in their to the world than its fears. Prussia found struggles for themselves and the world, their time, during the armistice, to marshal her. skill, firmness and perseverance have been forces-Austria joined itself to Russia-the equalled by nothing but their success. Still most powerful armies of the German states there is seen in many, an unaccountable fluctuation of hopes and fears-of exultation and despondency. It may be well to look into the history of this strange infirmity. The following article from the Boston Weekly of the late news from France. CONFIDENCE IN THE ALLIES. revolted from France-and the result was, that in less than three months from the renewal of hostilities, Bonaparte fled over the Rhine, with a force almost as meagre as that which followed him over the Vistula. Again was heard the voice of gratitude and exultation, for now Russia was not only safe, but France was in danger. The confidence which the allies bad now inspired, seemed too firmly established to be shaken. to Moscow-his solitary flight was a march upon Petersburgh and his resources. When he fled, a second time, over the Rhine, they could not tire in commending his skill, and proving that nothing was to be feared; and with impious arrogance it was intimated that he was safe from the dangers of the field, because he was protected from above. Reverses seemed to intimidate them less than their idol- and they now extol his slight success in his own kingdom with as much pride and delight, as they discovered, when he scattered From a London Paper, March 27. THE BOURBONS. the fullest reliance canbe placed, decidedThe following narrative, upon which In a very short time this generous confidence began again to waver. On the banks of the Rhine, the allies announced to the world, that the territory and sovereignty of France should not be impaired. At once it was said, that Austria was about to stain the great plans of the allies-that she would ne-a nation at a battle. ver consent to the deposition of Bonaparte, or to the narrowing of his dominious; and that, from jealousy or corruption, the powers on the continent would make a separate peace with France, and as usual, leave England, who had borne so long and so firmly the waste of war, to manage, as she pleased, her old quarrels about commercial rights. This un-ly proves that the king and Bourbon pringenerous spirit of distrust had its day; and ces have done all in their power to rethen it was announced that the allies (Schwart- establish their family on the throne of zenburgh, Wellington and all) were invading their ancestors, without prejudice to the France in almost every direction-were every interests of their country. where victorious; and would probably, in a short time, establish, a glorious peace, and make an excellent disposition of the imperial crown. There could be no further doubt that all the allies were entitled to confidence now; and while they were left to give the finishing blow, the ingenious betook themselves to find speculations on the present state, and future prospects of France; and the balance of power was adjusted with admirable facility and skill. But no. This confidence has again begun to tremble-the hour of alarin is not yet gone by forever. The cry now is, that the gallant Blacher has met with repulses-Witgenstein has not yet spared Paris-the allies will be driven beyond the frontier-they were rash; for they were too rapid. No-they were timid and prudent to a fault; for they should have hurried to Paris at once, and taken ad vantage of the general dismay. Austria is the same incubus as before-an armistice will be soon made-a false and deadly security will follow a disgraceful treaty. We are weary of these melancholy details, and lament that nations, which have deserved so well, should have been trusted so little. Those, whose eyes beamed with joy, when a drawn battle was fought in Poland-a check received on the Danube, or a French corps routed in Spain-are now disheartened, because France, by drawing in her veterans from abroad, and mustering all her internal power, is enabled to check an enemy, which had plunged into the very heart of her kingdom. Did the partisans of France ever show a lack of confidence in the Emperor, that can equal this? No--they are his fast friends that follow him with acclamations in all his fortupes. With them, his invading march was bon above named, perceived that they had When the princes of the house of Bourno power to resist the torrent of the revolu tion, they all resolved to withdraw from France; and from the latter part of 1789, to the beginning of the succeeding year, they left their country, and proceeded to the court of the king of Sardinia, the father-in-law of Louis XVIII, and of Mon sieur. They implored the protection of every crowned head for their unfortunate brother; and in consequence of the treaty concluded by some of them at Pilnitz, in 1791, they obtained considerable succours from Austria and Prussia, which were united at Coblentz in 1792, under the orders of the duke of Brunswick, commanding the allied forces. All the nobility of France ranged themselves under the white standard-Frenchmen of all ranks crowded to it from the interior of France; and, led by their princes, they had penetrated very near to Chalons with the allied armies under the command of the duke of Brunswick; when he was induced by Doumourier, then commanding the French force, to retreat to the frontiers of France, the French general stating, that the municipality of Paris had informed him, that the life of Louis XVI. and those of his family, should be spared, if he would consent to retire. His serene highness, from humanity, consented to the proposal, though against the opinion of a council of war, in which the majority opposed it, |