should fall into British hands. Few of the Carolinians would enlist under the American banner; but after the capitulation, they flocked to the royal standard by hundreds. In truth, so general was the defection from the popular cause, that men who had shared Lincoln's confidence, and stood high in the Whig counsels, abandoned it, and bound their necks anew to the yoke of colonial vassalage.

In North Carolina, it is remarkable, that the "Regulators," a body of men who, before the union of the thirteen Colonies, had attempted by force to reform certain real or supposed abuses, now opposed the Revolution, and lent military aid to the power which they had resisted. It may be added, that, while the "Addressers" at the North generally preserved some portion of self-respect, those of Governor Martin commonly gave up all pride, and at times expressed sentiments abject and mean enough to be becoming for slaves crouching under the uplifted lash.

It has often been asserted, that nearly all the clergy were Whigs. The truth of this may admit of doubt; since most of those of the Episcopal faith not only espoused the adverse side, but abandoned their flocks and the country. This was especially the case in New England; and it is believed, that Dr. Parker, of Trinity Church, Boston, was the only one of that communion who stood by the people of his charge, and saved them from dispersion. The Sandemanians, though inconsiderable, both in numbers and influence, were opposed to the popular movement, and gave its friends no little trouble. Of the clergymen of the remaining sects, it is probably correct to say, that they were generally sound in political doctrine. But there were some among them who were otherwise; or who, falling under suspicion, were compelled to leave their parishes.

The ministers of the time, under whichever banner they ranged themselves, seem oftentimes to have made a recruiting house of the sanctuary. Some of them have left memorials of their zeal in the proceedings of public meetings, before which they were summoned to answer for their conduct; and others, in particular acts, which may well excite a smile. Thus, one uttered a prayer in these words: "O Lord! if our enemies will fight us, let them have fighting enough. If more soldiers are on their way hither, sink them, O Lord, to the bottom of the sea." Boucher, of

.

Virginia, a learned man, and one of the best preachers of the day, in his farewell discourse on leaving America, declared, that, as long as he lived, he would say, with Zadoc the priest and Nathan the prophet, "God save the king. Of a similar nature was the declaration of Ashley, of Massachusetts, on reading a proclamation of the Provincial Congress the old form of ejaculation had been changed to "God save the people"; but when he came to the close, "he raised himself above his ordinary height, and with great vehemence subjoined, And God save the king, I say, or we are an undone people."" Of the wit, Mather Byles, it is unnecessary to speak; but we may mention, that Morgan Edwards, a Baptist divine of Pennsylvania, whose political sympathies harmonized with those of the "guarded, regarded, and disregarded" Byles, appears to have possessed a similar vein of eccentric humor; for among his performances, was the preaching of his own funeral sermon.

Of the thirty-seven newspapers which were published in the Colonies, in April, 1775, if the result of our inquiries be correct, seven or eight were in the interest of the crown, and twenty-three were devoted to the service of the Whigs. Of these thirty-one, however, one on each side had little or no part in discussing the great questions at issue, as they were established only in the preceding month of January; and of those which did participate in these discussions and maintain the right, no less than five went over to the Loyalists in the course of the war. Of the number first named, two were printed in German, and one in German and English; and as another of the thirty-seven was commenced in April, there were, in fact, but thirty-one newspapers in the vernacular tongue, at the close of 1774. Up to the beginning of the strife, printing had been confined to the capitals, or principal towns; but hostile deeds, interfering with all employments, caused the removal of some of the public journals to places more remote, and were the means of interrupting, or wholly discontinuing, the publication of others. Those that existed at the period of which we are speaking were very unequally distributed; thus, Maryland, Virginia, the two Carolinas, and Georgia, taken together, had but one more than Pennsylvania, and but three more than Massachusetts.* In New Hampshire, the "Gazette"

*There was quite as much difference between the North and South, in the number of published political essays; since it is believed, that but three

was alone; while Rhode Island had both a "Gazette" and a "Mercury." Of the editors and proprietors who originally opposed the right, or became converts to the wrong, several sought refuge in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, where they established newspapers; and had we space for details, we might show, perhaps, that the influence of the hegira of at least one of them is still felt in the politics of the former Colony.

The two great parties divided kindred, and severed old ties of love and friendship. Of the sorrows from this source, which pierced the bosoms of thousands, it were utterly vain to attempt a description. But we will give a few instances of the disruption of family and social bands, and leave our readers to their imaginations to fill up the outlines. Of different sides, then, were Franklin and his only son, the royal governor of New Jersey, between whom there was no intercourse for ten years. John Lovell, who moulded the minds of many of the prominent Massachusetts Whigs, went to Halifax as a refugee; but his son James as a prisoner of war. The wives of Hancock and of Jonathan Sewall were sisters, of the Quincy family. The father of Knox's wife, deprived of his honors, died in exile, and her brother was in arms against her husband. The mother of Gouverneur and Lewis Morris was under the protection of her British friends throughout the struggle; and their brother, Staats, was an officer in the pay of the king, whose servants desolated the beautiful Morrisania, and burned its thousand acres of woodland. Nathaniel, the Whig son of Judge Saltonstall, mourned a brother who died in banishment, and another, who, showing a long roll of honored ancestors in both hemispheres, accepted a military commission, and served under the royal banner with Cornwallis. The state-paper which drove Van Schaack from his home, and which he said was a "death-warrant," bore the signature of a former student in his office, whom he loved. Jeremy Gridley, who defended the legality of the "Writs of Assistance," and Richard Gridley, who laid out the works on Breed's Hill, were brothers. The wife of Fisher Ames was the daughter of a

were written in Virginia during the controversy,-those by Jefferson, Richard Bland, and Arthur Lee. In Massachusetts, James Otis alone was the author of four; while Samuel and John Adams, Quincy, Oxenbridge Thacher, Chauncey, and Cooper, each wrote one or more tracts or series of papers.

"Mandamus Councillor "; and the wife of Jonathan Bliss was her sister. John Hicks was editor of a Boston paper to which the British officers are supposed to have contributed; but his father fell at Lexington. Harrison Gray, on going into perpetual banishment, parted from his only daughter, the wife of an Otis. The entreaties and tears of a most affectionate sister failed to deter Samuel Quincy from continuing as a recipient and an expectant of honors from the sovereign whom all others of his blood renounced. Sewall, already spoken of, and John Adams were bosom friends; and it was to him, on the "Great Hill" in Portland, and in answer to his dissuasives, that the patriot of lion heart and lofty soul uttered the memorable words, "The die is now cast; I have passed the Rubicon; swim or sink, live or die, survive or perish with my country, is my unalterable determination." Thus they parted, to meet no more till the "declaration" had been made good, and Adams had "a country and that a free country"; but it was reserved to the highly gifted and eloquent Loyalist to die as he was born," a colonist."

But if there were scenes of grief, so, too, there were incidents to amuse; of which we will relate one, as we received it from the son of a citizen of Massachusetts, who was proscribed and banished. My father," said our informant, "was the son of a Tory captain; my mother, the daughter of a Whig major; and the two families were thus divided, even to some of the collateral branches. The political discussions were, of consequence, frequent and warm. On the birth of one of my brothers, it was insisted on the one side, that he should receive a Whig, and on the other, a Tory, name. Neither party would yield, and after many disputes, my father proposed to take the Bible and give the child the first proper name he should see, on opening it. This was assented to; the name happened to be "Cushi," and "Cushi" was my brother called to the day of his death." The father in question was engaged in many hazardous enterprises during the war, and was twice captured by the Whigs, and tried for his life. Notwithstanding this, and his final settlement in one of the present British Colonies, the good mother continued true to the land of her birth, and clung throughout her life to the principles imbibed in her youth.

It may be asked, why, when the oppressions of the mother country were so very flagrant and apparent, there was not greater unanimity than, from what we have now said, appears to have existed; and why a party so large in numbers, which, in many Colonies, included persons so respectable, and hitherto so universally esteemed, was seemingly, or in fact, averse to breaking away from British dominion. These questions have been put to Loyalists themselves. They have answered, that, upon the original formation. of parties, they were generally regarded as the common organizations of the ins and outs; the one striving to retain, and the other to gain, patronage and place; and that the mass, in taking sides with or against the royal governors, were stimulated by the hopes which politicians have always been able to excite in their followers. It has been answered, too, that few foresaw the issue to which the quarrel must come. It has been said, also, that those who received the name of Tories were not, at first, nor, indeed, for some years, resisting a revolution, but striving to preserve order, and an observance of the rights of persons and property; that many, who took sides at the outset as mere conservators of the peace, were denounced by those whose purposes they thwarted, and were finally compelled, in pure self-defence, to accept of royal protection. Again, it has been stated, that, had the naked question of independence been discussed from the beginning, and before minor, and in many cases, local, events had shaped their course, many, who were driven forth to live and die as aliens and outcasts, would have terminated their career far differently.

That there is some force in all of these replies, the unprejudiced minds of this generation should be frank enough to admit. The wise man of Israel said, "A brother offended is harder to be won than a strong city; and their contentions are like the bars of a castle." That many were needlessly "offended" by the doings of persons who took to themselves the sacred name of "Sons of Liberty," we shall not hesitate to declare. What "brother," upon whose vision the breaking up of the colonial system and the sovereignty of America had not dawned, and who saw, as even the Whigs professed to see, with the eyes only of a British subject, was "to be won" over to the right by the arguments of mobbing, tarring, burning, and smoking? Did the