66 Buonaparté, and I should be glad if Mr. Brougham, in place of railing at him, would condescend to try them by the test of reason and policy.—I am yours, G. G. cover for his hostility, when peace in this serving it. That Buonaparte persecutes country is openly justified on the ground of our trade is very true. But do we not its affording the best means of uniting a persecute the trade of France? Nay, more, host of foes against France. That Buona- for what is it that in the year 1800 we parté is at present hostile, is evident; but quarrelled with the northern powers ?-for I see no reason to doubt that his hostility what is it that we are quarrelling with would be appeased by conciliation on our America? for what is it that we have part; and that, if we would lay aside our filled the world with blood and violence hostile dispositious, he would meet us half but for the very privilege of persecuting way. Has he not indeed already offered our enemy's trade, and persecuting it at most fair and honourable terms of peace? the expense of the neutral power; and Read the negociation with Lord Lauder- shall we complain that Buonaparte perdale, and judge yourself if France did not secutes our trade? He tells us "I will manifest at that time a sincere disposition "allow trade, where it is carried on in for peace. What a glorious game had the "neutral shipping to go free-but I will Grenville ministry before them, at that "not allow you to cut and carve upon it at time, and how miserably did they throw" your pleasure-you shall either have a it out of their hands! they rejected the "free trade, or you shall have no trade at offers of France, and about a month after- "all. If you make use of your navy lo wards poor Lord Howick was penning ho- persecute my trade, I will make use of milies upon adversity for the comfort of "my army to persecute your trade, which Prussia, our magnanimous ally. Verily "I do, however, on the principle of resome men are not born to govern the world." taliation; not because I wish trade to -There is another most singular asser- "be persecuted, but because I wish to tion made by Mr. Brougham, namely," convince you that this contest being that Buonaparté desires the extinction of "equally prejudicial to both parties ought trade; and that all his measures are framed" to be given up." Such are the views of expressly for its destruction. Is this assertion made for the purpose of flattering popular prejudices, and of procuring a little temporary eclat? Does not Mr. Brougham know, that the great object of Buonaparté is to enforce the maxim, that free ships make free goods? According to which maxim, no nation at war can plunder any ship except that of an enemy. This is what is called the freedom of the seas, and this restriction of the rights of war would undoubtedly confer on trade a great degree of additional freedom and security. If a nation at war were not allowed to touch the cargo of a neutral vessel, the commerce of mankind would surely be less liable to interruption than where this right is still left to the belligerent. If Buonaparté then contends for the extinction of privileges hostile to trade, and if this country contends for their preservation as an instrument of vengeance against the trade of her enemies, on what grounds can it be said that our policy favours trade, and that the policy of France aims at its destruction? France contends for extending the privileges of trade and for narrowing the privileges of war. Britain contends for extending the privileges of war and narrowing the privileges of trade, and in the very teeth of this fact, Mr. Brougham gravely tells us that Buonaparté is for ruining trade, and that we are for pre Edinburgh, 20th March, 1812. SICILY.-Official account of the Retirement of the King. dated this day, sigued by his Majesty, and The King our Lord, by a resolution, sealed with the Royal seal, has constituted his Royal Highness Don Francis, hereditary Prince of the Two Sicilies, his most dear Son, his Vicar-general in this kingdom of Sicily; transferring to him, with the most ample title of Alter Ego, the exercise of all rights, prerogatives, pre-eminencies, and be exercised by his Majesty in person. In powers, in the same manner as they could the name of the King, I communicate to your Excellency this sovereign determination; transmitting to you also a copy of the same, that you may forthwith communicate it to all the departments depending on the office of Secretary of State, the Royal Household, the Treasury, and Commerce, which are committed to the charge of your Excellency. To the Marquis Tommasi, ROYAL LETTER. FERDINAND, by the Grace of God, King of the Two Sicilies, Jerusalem, &c. Infante of Spain, Duke of Parma, Placencia, Castro, &c. Grand Hereditary Prince of Tuscany, &c. My most esteemed Son FRANCIS, Hereditary Prince of the Two Sicilies. -When, therefore, the Island was subsequently captured by us, these men were seized as traitors; were brought to England; and, in the month of February, 1812, were tried by Special Commission, at the Sessions House in Horse-Monger Lane.- -It was stated, that there were fifty-nine of them in all; but only twelve were indicted. Of these one was acquitted, seven convicted, and the other four suffered to escape, no evidence being produced against them. The 9th man's king's enemies; and the History of it was this. When, in the year 1810, the Isle of France was taken by us, there were found a considerable number of our countrymen in the service of Napoleon. These men, it appeared, had been taken prisoners in our ships of war, which had gone against that island some time before; and, after being made prisoners, had voluntarily entered Being obliged, through bodily indisposi-into the service of the Emperor of France. tion, and from the advice of the Physicians, to breathe the air of the country, to withdraw myself from all serious application, I should esteem myself culpable before God, if I did not make such provision for the government of the kingdom, in these most difficult times, that affairs of the greatest importance should be promptly dispatched, and the public weal suffer no detriment through my infirmities. Wishing, therefore, to disburthen myself of the weight of government, as long as it shall not please God to restore me to a state of health suitname was Josiah Teaster; and when he was able for conducting it, I cannot more pro- put to the bar the curious scene took place, perly intrust it to any other than to you, which is recorded in the following report, my beloved son, as well because you are taken from the COURIER newspaper. my legitimate successor, as on account of would have the reader pay attention to it; the experience which I have had of your for such a scene I believe was never beheld high rectitude and capacity; and by these before.- -I shall say no more. presents, with my free will and consent, I possible that there can be two opinions constitute and appoint you my Vicar-gene- upon any part of the transaction.THE ral in this my kingdom of Sicily, in the ATTORNEY GENERAL (Gibbs, mind) adsame way as you have been already twice dressed the Jury nearly as follows: Vicar-general in my other kingdom of Na-Gentlemen of the Jury-The object of ples; and I yield and transfer to you, with the ample title of Alter Ego, the exercise of all the rights, prerogatives, pre-eminencies, and powers, which could be exercised by myself: and that this my determination may be known to all, and obeyed by all, I order that this my letter, signed by myself, and sealed with my Royal seal, be preserved in the archives of the kingdom, and that you direct a copy of it to be sent to all Councillors and Secretaries of State for their informations, and that they may communicate the same to all persons interested. -Given in Palermo, this 16th day of Jan. 1812. FERDINAND, THOMAZ DE SOMMA. HIGH TREASON TRIALS. -I It is im Government in the institution of these "prosecutions was to convey to the public, and to those persons who are the objects of them, a conviction that those engaged in the service of their country, either in "the army or navy, cannot be guilty of crimes like those the prisoners have been guilty of, without being ultimately brought to punishment. The prisoners mentioned in the Calendar were selected from many more; those who selected "them had not the power or opportunity of inquiring so fully into their cases as I 66 have since done; I have spared no pains, "no trouble, nor attention, in investigat"ing the facts alleged against the prisoners, and the evidence which would be "produced in support of those facts; the "result of that investigation was a convic"tion, that the ends of justice made it an I have never yet noticed the Trials," imperious, though a painful duty on me, which have lately taken place for high trea-" to prosecute them;-that painful duty ĺ son; and, I do it now, lest the subject" have performed;-the ends of justice are should pass by, and no trace of it be found" answered." [Here the Learned Counsel in my Register, for which I should be sorry. was so much AFFECTED, that his voice Theact of treason was adhering to the became inaudible, and his agitation increas ed to such a degree, that but for the support of Mr. Jervis, who sat near him, HE WOULD HAVE FALLEN.] When a little recovered, he resumed:" Gentle"men, I entreat your pardon, but I have "not been very well in health; I was "about to state to you, that I consider the "ends of justice as answered, and therefore "I shall here drop the prosecution against "the remainder of the prisoners. In look"ing into the cases of the prisoners un"tried, I perceive (though there is proof "to convict) there are circumstances to "palliate; and after what has taken place "here, I trust there will be found none, "or if any, only the most degraded and "degenerate, who will fall in future into "the error in which the prisoners have "fallen." 66 66 difficulty in establishing their guilt, or that they were not guilty, as they in their own minds very well knew; but it was that the Crown had extended its mercy towards them; and he hoped that mercy being so extended to them, would operate so as to have an effect on their future lives.-The prisoners, there being no evidence produced against them, were then declaredNot Guilly. The prisoners already convicted, namely William Cundle alias Connel, Cornelius Parker, John Tweedale alias Twedle, John Quigley alias Coigley, John Smith, George Armstrong, and Samuel M'Farlane, were then placed at the bar, and having been severally asked what they had to say for themselves why sentence of death should not be passed upon them, they all threw Mr. BROUGHAM observed, "after the themselves on the mercy of the Court; "statement of his Learned Friend, who and Quigley, after lamenting the fault he "did equal honour to his feelings, and to had been guilty of, declared his readiness, "the humanity of the Government under if mercy were extended to him, to serve his "which he acted, little remained for him country to the last drop of his blood.— "to say. He could not, however, allow The CHIEF BARON (MAC DONALD) then "the opportunity to pass, without declar-proceeded to pass sentence in the following ing how grateful to the feelings of his terms:-" Prisoners, the scene which is "mind it had been, that in his feeble at- passing here at this moment, is one of the tempts to defend the unfortunate men least expected Great Britain ever saw; for "who had intrusted their cause to him, he some years past, not a Session of Parlia"had been opposed to a prosecutor so hu- ment has gone over without the Thanks of 66 mane as his Learned Friend, which, by the Public having been conferred on the "his conduct, he had proved himself to be. gallant Officers and Seamen composing our "One assertion of the Attorney-General's, Navy, for the performance of some noble "however, he could not give credit to, achievement for the benefit of their coun"and that was, that his indisposition was try; and scarcely a week passed by that "the effect of ill health. He was con- we do not read accounts in the newspapers "vinced it was the disease of A FEEL- of brilliant acts of courage displayed against “ ING HEART, sinking and overpowered the enemy by those employed in the sea "in its struggle to discharge a painful service; and, it is indeed an unexpected "though necessary duty. He trusted, how-sight to see British Seamen deserting their 66 ever, the mercy extended to these unfor"tunate men, would not be misplaced; "and that they would not repay with in"gratitude that country which had again, "with so much mercy and forgiveness, 66 opened her arms to receive them." The other three prisoners, viz. Noah Francis, Philip Lathey, and James Fibbs, were then put to the bar, with Teasler.The ATTORNEY GENERAL observed, it was fit he should state to the prisoners the grounds on which he forbore to prosecute them-it was not that he should find any King, and ranging themselves under the banners of the enemy. You, however, have each of you been found guilty under a proseculion conducted against you, not only with humanity, but with a degree of delicacy which must have been evident to every one present during the course of these proceedings; the law in its humanity, directs you should have assistance, and you have had the most able. The offence of which you have been found guilty is the highest, except effecting the very death of the King, that our law recognizes.-(To be continued.) Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent-Garden, VOL. XXI. No. 21.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 23, 1812. 641] ACCOUNT OF THE, TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF JOHN BELLINGHAM; In a Letter from William Cobbett to his In your last letter, received by me in this place, you requested me to write to you an account of myself and family, and also to give you a true description of the situation of "Old England, the beloved "and venerated country of your forefathers." If I were to write to you in manuscript, I should not have the smallest hope of my letter's reaching you; or, at least, of its escaping being opened, read, and copied. It is, therefore, best to write to you in print, because you will be sure to receive my letter through some one of the thousand channels which there is no power capable of blocking up, and, the same letter will serve for all my friends in America, and for all my readers in every part of the world. First, then, I have the pleasure to tell you, that, though I have now been in this jail upwards of twenty-two months, I have never been ill for a single moment; that I have never had even a head-ache, and that I feel myself as strong as at any period of my life. What my wife has suffered, I shall leave you and the kind families at Bursledon and Bibery, who knew her, to guess. My daughter Anne, who when you saw her last (in 1800) was just old enough to call you by the endearing appellation of "Grand-daddy Paul," has been a great consolation to me, and so has my son William (whom I now call to my recollection a baby sitting upon your knee and playing with the wooden buttons of your coat), and whose health, and growth, and disposition promise me that I shall have the happiness to see him, if necessary, able and willing to defend his rights as an Englishman. The other two sons and two daughters are all well. They have all, what Lord Bacon calls the greatest of blessings: "a "sound mind in a sound body." I have [Price 1s. [642 many things to be thankful for; but, for this above all others, that none of my family are either rollen or mad. Thus much for my private concerns, which may, I and kind friend, B. STORY, from whom, to hope, also suffice as an answer to our old my indescribable satisfaction, I receiv ed a letter no longer ago than Saturday last; and, what made it the more pleasing to me, was, it was dated at Wilmington, the spot where we had first the happiness to see her. With respect to public matters, I shall begin by telling you, that, a few days ago, the Prime Minister of the Prince Regent, the man during whose administration I was sent (for you know what) to this jail, was shot dead by the hand of an Englishman, named John Bellingham. This affair I should not have written much about; because, in spite of all the millions of falsehoods which the hired news-papers in London have and will publish upon the subject, the people of this country will get at the truth; but, I am anxious that the truth should be known all the world over, and particularly in the American States, whence even from the banks of the Mississippi, my own writings, issuing from this jail, have returned to me through the channel of the American press. This fact, by making it obvious to me that I am writing for the use of America as well as for that of England, points out to me that it is my duty to give not only a true account of the trial and execution of John Bellingham, but also that I should give it in such a way as may make the whole affair plain to persons who never were in London, and to whom many circumstances must, without explanation, remain wholly incomprehensible. My intention, therefore, is to present you, in the first place, with a regular narrative of facts, from the time of the pistol being fired, to the moment of the death of the man who fired it, uninterrupted by any commentary of my own. In the second place, I propose to give you an account of what the hired news-papers have said as to the sentiments discovered by the people, in London and other parts of England, upon this occasion. In the third place, I shall inform Y you of what has been done by the parlia- | administer unlawful oaths, upon the allegment in consequence of the event. In the ed ground that the disturbers of the peace fourth place, I shall give you an account of were combined together by an oath. This the administration of the late Minister; I act had been introduced, read a first time, shall shew what he did as Minister; I and was, I believe, to have been read a seshall place before your eyes what has hap- cond time on the evening of the day when pened in England during the existence of the Minister was killed. his power. Such was the state of the country, when, on Monday, the 11th day of this present month of May, 1812, and at five o'clock in the afternoon, Spencer Perceval, who had formerly been Attorney General, and who was now become first Lord of the Treasury, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Prime Minister of the Regent, and who held besides two sinecure offices, was shot, just as he was about to enter that House of Commons, where he had long carried every thing before him, and where all opposition to him appeared to be in vain. The place and manner of his death were as follows. There is to the House where the Members meet (which was formerly a Chapel dedicated to St. Stephen), a sort of anti-chamber, or outer-room, which, for what reason by way of introduction you should be told, that, owing to a scarcity of work for our manufacturers (arising from the laws of France and America), added to a dearth of provisions, there have, for many months, existed great disturbances in the counties of York, Lancaster, Chester, Leicester, Stafford, and Nottingham. A consider able regular army is assembled in that part of England, for the purpose of opposing and putting down the people who have risen; and a law has been passed for inHicting the punishment of death in certain cases, where the punishment before was transportation. To give you some idea of the sufferings of the poor people, it will be quite sufficient for me to state to you these facts that the weekly wages of a labour-I know not, is called the lobby. During ing man does not, upon an average throughout England, exceed 15s.; that the price of a bushel of wheat is, upon an average, 18s.; that the price of a bushel of potatoes has been for some time past, upon an average, 8s. 6d. To you, who know what food a man and his wife and three or four children require; to you, who have a heart to feel for every fellow-creature; to you, at whose house the traveller, be he who or what he might, never needed even to ask for victuals and drink; to you I need say no more, in order to shew you the extent of the distress of the labouring people in general; but, I ought to add, that in the manufacturing counties a want of work has cooperated with the scarcity of the late harvest, and that both together have rendered the situation of the people truly deplorable. There is another great cause of national poverty and misery, namely, the taxes, which are now become enormous; but, this is a cause which is always operating. The extraordinary causes are those that I have just mentioned. In consequence of these distresses, numerous petitions have been presented to parliament; but, as I said before, the only law passed respecting the disturbances, or the cause of them, is a law to punish with death the crime of frame-breaking, which was formerly punished with transportation. Another law is brought into the House of Commons for making it death to take or to the time that the House is sitting, there are always a great number of persons in this lobby. Attendants of one sort or other; persons who want to speak with members; persons who have petitions or private bills before the House; in short, any body of tolerably decent appearance, whom either business or curiosity may bring there, and for whose accommodation there are a fireplace and some benches. Amongst the persons thus met, on the day before mentioned, was John Bellingham, who, upon the Minister entering the lobby door, went up to him with a pistol and shot him in the heart, in consequence of which he stumbled forward towards the door of the House, fell, and expired in a few minutes, with a faint exclamation of "Oh! I'm murdered! I'm murdered!" Bellingham, the moment he had shot off his pistol, went and sat down very calmly upon one of the benches. Such was the surprise, the confusion, and consternation amongst all present, that he might easily have gone out of the lobby door and escaped, for a time at least; but, as afterwards appeared, this was not at all his design; and, therefore, when the consternation was enough abated for some one to ask, who and where was the murderer, he answered, "I am the man that killed "Mr. Perceval;" whereupon he was seized and searched, and another pistol, loaded, was found in his pocket. When the knowledge of the event was |