that its average imports have not exceeded 3 per cent of the domestic tonnage production since 1913. If this import percentage should ever show any appreciable increase, it seems certain that the 19 domestic iron ore producing States would ask for a restoration of the duty.

Copper in ores, except iron ore, is the only domestically mined nonprecious ore item within the free list. We further find that copper metal is the only nonprecious domestically mined metal item within the free list schedule of the Smoot-Hawley Act.

The foregoing paragraph certainly emphasizes the strange, unusual, in fact, unique, position occupied by copper in ores and as a metal within the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act. Copper is strangely isolated within the free list zone of universal and merciless competition; placed within the arena that brings crushing economic disaster whenever the domestic copper miner's product fails to meet any and all foreign slave-labor costs within his home market.

The continued chaining of the copper ingot within the foreign destructive tariff subdivision suggests immediately that an analysis be made of various factors benefiting from the policy of congressional economic ruthlessness directed solely and alone against a single domestically mined metallic element-namely, copper.

CHAPTER X

DOMESTIC COPPER PRODUCTION

Referring to Table 1, we find that from 1845 to 1930, inclusive, there was produced within the United States about 44,449,000,000 pounds of copper, having a total value of about $7,213,300,000, or 16.2 cents per pound.

We also find that 90 per cent of said total copper production from 1845-1930 has been mined since 1901; 75 per cent thereof after 1905; 50 per cent thereof after 1915, and 25 per cent from 1925-1930.

We further find that the copper produced during the 4-year war period, 1915-1918, equals 16 per cent of said total domestic production from 1845-1930; the production during the 12 years, 1919-1930, since the war, equals 39 per cent of said total domestic production; the production since the passage of the Fordney-McCumber Tariff Act, September 21, 1922, equals 30 per cent of the domestic copper mined from 1845-1930.

During the six decades, from 1841-1900, during which 60 years 10 per cent of the total domestic copper production, 1845-1930, was mined, we find these six decades, in sequence, produced the following percentages of the world's copper production, namely, 0.5, 5.5, 9.5, 14.7, 32.3, and 51.9 per cent. In other words, we note that during the decade 1891-1900, United States began to mine one-half of the world's copper production.

During the last three decades, from 1901-1930, during which time. the United States has mined 90 per cent of its total copper production, we find that these three decades, in sequence, produced the following percentages of the world's copper production, namely, 56 per cent, 58 per cent, and 51 per cent. The high decade, 1911-1920, included the World War period.

We note that the domestic percentage rate of the world's copper production for the last decade, 1921-1930, is lower than for any decade percentage rate since 1881-1890.

The decline in the domestic percentage of the world's copper production from 1926 has been distressingly downward. The rate for 1926 is 53.4 per cent; for 1927 equals 50.6 per cent; for 1928 is 48.4 per cent; and for 1929 equals 47.7 per cent. The remainder of the world's copper production first passed the United States production in 1921. From 1922 to 1925 the rate averaged 53.7 per cent, or about equal the 1926 rate, just prior to the aforementioned decline

It is interesting to note that when the United States world production was increasing from 1846 to 1870, we also find that Chile's percentage of the world's copper production also increased during these three decades, as follows, respectively, 20 per cent, 32 per cent, and 44 per cent. In other words, for the decade 1861-1870, Chile produced 44 per cent of the world's copper production and the United States only 9.5 per cent thereof. The United States 1869 copper tariff act became effective at the end of the foregoing decade. From 1870 down to 1912 we find a constant decline in Chile's world percentage production rate. For the decade ending 1870 we note Chile produced 44 per cent of the world's copper production, whereas for 1912 it only equaled 4 per cent thereof. We note also that when Chile was at this low stage of her world production rate, Belgian Congo began to mine copper in ever-increasing quantities.

For the year 1926, when the decline of the United States world production rate began, we find that whereas United States produced 53.4 per cent of the world's copper, Chile and Belgian Congo for 1926 produced 19.2 per cent thereof; in 1927 they produced 21.6 per cent; in 1928 their production equaled 22.6 per cent; and in 1929 they produced 23 per cent of the world's copper production.

In other words, from 1912, when the combined production of Chile and Belgian Congo only equalled about 5 per cent of the world's copper productions, and the United States was then producing at the rate of about 57 per cent thereof, we find as of 1929 that Chile and Belgian Congo increased their combined copper production to 23 per cent of the world's production and the United States rate had declined to 47.7 per cent.

While the United States world copper production percentage rate for 1912, compared with the 1929 rate declined 16.3 per cent, we find that the combined Chile and Belgian Congo rate increased 360 per cent.

The foregoing percentage relationship indicates a rapid increase in the remainder of the world copper productions rate and a persistent decrease in the United States rate.

The analysis submitted aforegoing unmistakably shows that the remainder of the world's copper production rate is not alone increasing much more rapidly than the United States rate, but is doing so at the direct expense of the domestic rate. Said increase has been persistent and continuous since 1912 (covering 60 per cent of total domestic production) while the United States rate has held a persistent downward trend during said period. It is quite evident from the remarkable divergency increase of the domestic and foreign rate factors that this divergency of production rates is still operative and will continue until the United States is again able to mine copper in volume and at a cost to destroy foreign competition.

The United States could never have checked Chile's rapid world production percentage rate increase as of 1870 only through the development of the rich native copper deposits of the Lake Superior region. This new copper ore reserve developed efficiently behind the copper tariff barrier of 1869-gave United States virtually immediate control of the world's copper market because our country could then deliver copper in volume to meet world demand and at minimum costs. Chile, being solely a copper exporting nation, could not meet this competition, and her domestic copper production practically ceased. Chile and Central Africa, on the other hand, developed about as of 1912, new and enormous bodies of very high grade copper ore, just as rich proportionately and in volume to indicate control of the world's copper market, as the Lake Superior deposits indicated world control as of 1870. Chile and Central Africa began marketing copper as of 1912 and shortly thereafter in volume and at a cost which destroyed our rigid control of the world copper market. The two foregoing foreign areas alone have now virtually expanded, or are expanding, their plant capacity facilities to care for all the copper requirements exterior to the United States and can very quickly still further expand their plant facilities to care for our domestic requirements.

The foregoing data emphasize that the domestic copper mining industry has, beyond question, lost economic control of the world copper production. This being true, the domestic copper miner should eliminate foreign copper competition within the domestic market; should forthwith secure rigid control of the greatest and most profitable copper consuming market in the world, namely, our domestic market. Our country consumes more copper than the remainder of the world. In securing control of the home copper consuming market behind an effective tariff barrier, the domestic copper miner will secure compensation proportional to that received by those dependent on all the present highly protected metal and other

domestic industries.

The copper production of the United States has been sufficient in volume up to now to care for all our domestic requirements and provide an exportable surplus. Table 1 shows the annual copper production from 1845 to 1930, inclusive. The production data from this table and the domestic copper consumption factors obtained from governmental publications made possible the compilation of Table 3. This table consolidates the domestic copper production, consumption, and available export surplus for the period 1903-1930, inclusive; said 28-year period embraces 81.98 per cent of the total domestic copper production from 1845 to 1930.

TABLE 3.-United States copper production, consumption, and export surplus for certain year periods 1903-1930

From Table 3, we find that of all the domestic copper produced from 1903-1930, covering 82 per cent of our total domestic copper production, we have only had an average of 21.89 per cent thereof available for export. The domestic copper consumption data prior to 1903 is rather uncertain. However, the writer has used this data, as shown in governmental publications, and covering a period from 1892 to 1930, embracing 94 per cent of our total domestic production. The available copper export and domestic consumption percentage factors are practically identical in the two tables, only that this discarded table shows 23.95 per cent as of the total domestic copper available for export, compared with 21.89 per cent as set out in Table 3.

In order to carry distinctive time period comparisons, the foregoing stated 1903-1930 year span was divided into the 4-year war period 1915-1918, and a 12-year period subsequent to and a similar year period prior to the war period, a total of 28 years.

For the 12-year period, 1903-1914, prior to the war, we note that 36.47 per cent of the copper produced was available for export and only 63.53 per cent was consumed within the United States. This 12-year period embraces 60 per cent of all the copper produced during

1845-1914.

During the 4-year war period, 1915-1918, we find that 20.23 per cent of the copper produced was available for export and 79.77 per cent was consumed domestically. This 4-year period embraces 16 per cent of the total domestic production during 1845-1930.

The last 12-year period, 1919-1930, shows that only 12.48 per cent of the period copper production was available for export and that 87.52 per cent was consumed within the United States. This period embraces 39 per cent of all the domestic copper mined during 18451930.

The foregoing authoritative data embracing 82 per cent of all the copper mined within the United States during 1845-1930 shows conclusively a great increase in domestic consumption of copper and a corresponding decrease in the amount of copper available for export. This analysis does not cover isolated years, but represents an accurate cross-section of virtually all the copper mined during the industrial life of our country.

Free-trade copper propagandists have and are deliberately spreading the misinformation that we must export up to 50 per cent of our domestic copper production in order to function efficiently, the truth being, as shown by Table 3 that we have only exported one-fourth of this rate during a period that produced nearly one-half of our total domestic production.

The domestic market on the average consumes nine times more domestic copper than is exported. The home market is vastly more valuable to the domestic copper miner than the uncertain competitive foreign market.

The domestic copper mines have provided an ever-increasing production rate from 1845 to 1929, as Table 1 denotes. The domestic copper areas will continue to deliver copper for an indefinite period, provided the industry secures adequate tariff protection; domestic copper will be furnished at a comparative cost and in volume in the years to come equivalent to the cost and volume detail of the protected steel, lead, and zinc industries. The present protected metal industries

could not function efficiently without protection, and they are not permitted to meet free-trade competition within our home market. Copper has just as rigid a domestic cost scale to meet as any of the present protected metals. It is unfair to isolate copper in the freetrade zone; it should be accorded the same degree of protection extended other domestic products, and when this is done, the domestic copper areas will continue to meet domestic consumptive demand for generations to come.

CHAPTER XI

FOREIGN COPPER PRODUCTION

In scanning world copper production statistics we note the outstanding fact that during the past nearly 50 years, when the United States furnished about one-half of the world's copper supply, the only continuously increasing copper competition came from Chile, Belgian Congo, and Canada.

About 1883, when the copper production of Montana and Arizona added to that of Michigan gave our country undisputed control of the world's copper market, we find that Spain and Portugal began to decline as important copper producers. These two countries mined about 22 per cent of the world's copper as of 1883, and Chile and the United States each produced about the same percentage as of that date. We note that there has been persistent decline in the world copper production percentage rate of Spain and Portugal from 1883 to the present rate of about 321⁄2 per cent.

We likewise find that Japan's world percentage rate reached a maximum of 7 per cent during the past 50 years and is now less than 4 per cent of the world's copper production.

Peru reached a maximum of about 31⁄2 per cent of the world's copper production during the past 50 years, but at the present time its rate is less than 3 per cent.

Mexico reached a maximum of 81⁄2 per cent of the world rate some 30 years ago, when the Pilares and Cananea mines became producers, but since that time has declined persistently to the present rate of about 3 per cent.

The combined production percentage rate of Chile, Belgian Congo, and Canada as of 1912 was about 9 per cent, whereas the United States rate for that year was about 57 per cent of the world's copper production.

We note a persistent increase of the combined production rate for Chile, Belgian Congo, and Canada from 9 per cent in 1912 to about 14 per cent in 1920 and to about 27 per cent in 1929. During this interim the United States rate declined to 47.7 per cent.

It has already been stated that the increased production rate for 1912-1929 of Chile and Belgian Congo, to which can be added Canada, is the direct cause for the great decline in the world rate for the United States during said period. This combined competitive production rate for Chile, Belgian Congo, and Canada is persistently and continuously increasing.

This combined rate of increase for the three countries the past 20 years is ominously coincident with the 20-year domestic rate factors from 1865 to about 1885. At the beginning of this period the United