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[Mr. King, of Alabama, expressed his regret that the senator from Kentucky had introduced these petitions, while a bill was pending in the other branch, in the progress of which it was probable that this question would be stirred. If the presentation of these petitions should bring up again the agitation which was produced by the discussion of the Missouri question, it would be difficult to predict the consequences which might ensue. When the Missouri question was under consideration, he acted with the senator from Kentucky, and agreed to give up certain rights of the new States for the purpose of conciliation. But he would now say, that never again would he give up any thing for the purpose of conciliating another quarter of the country. He repeated his astonishment and concern, that the senator from Kentucky should have brought forward the petitions.]

Mr. Clay said he felt unaffected surprise at the expression of regret contained in the language of the senator from Alabama, as to the presentation of these petitions. I feel no regret. The subject of these petitions I do not approve, and I stated my disapprobation. I should have been happy, had the petitioners chosen another organ. I stated, further, that my opinions were unchanged. But these petitions have been committed to my care. In presenting them I only performed a duty-a duty, in reference to petitions, of a constitutional, almost a sacred character. I have presented the petitions, but I have asked for no other action on them than the mere laying of them on the table, although I might have done so, as the bill is yet before the other branch. It is highly competent to the legislative authority to pass another bill, to control this clause in the Constitution of Arkansas. I have asked no such thing. If the question should be stirred in the other branch, as seems to be apprehended by the senator from Alabama, it is better that the petitions are presented here. Here they are. I have merely performed a duty in presenting them; yet I am chided, chided at least in tone, by the senator from Alabama, for having done so. Sure I am, sir, that in this tone of chiding, there is not another senator on this floor who will participate.

As to the principle of compromise, there were several epochs from which gentlemen might take their start. The adoption of the Constitution was a compromise; the settlement of the Missouri question was the second epoch; the adjustment of the tariff was the third. The principle illustrated in all these great cases it was highly desirable should be carried out. These persons who now come before Congress, think it hard that they should be excluded from any participation in the soil south of forty degrees, which was won by the aid of their treasure and their valor. Perhaps the hardship was equally severe on those whose habits have rendered them familiar with slavery, that they are virtually excluded from a residence in any of the States north of the line of forty. He concluded with saying, that he had defended the principle of compromise, in the Missouri question, with as much zeal, if not as much ability, as the senator from Alabama.

[The petitions were then laid on the table.]

ON THE FORTIFICATION BILL.

IN SENATE, JUNE 29, 1836.

[AT the close of Mr. John Quincy Adams's administration, the annual expenses of the government were about twelve millions of dollars; yet, when Adams and Jackson were before the people as rival candidates for the presidency in 1828, the extravagant expenditures of Mr. Adams's administration were brought in charge against him. So rapidly, however, had the expenditures of the government augmented since General Jackson came into power, that the estimates for the last year of his second term had risen to forty millions! The object of the following speech was to reduce one half a proposed appropriation of four millions and a half for fortifications, which, thus cut down, would be more than double of the usual amount, which was supposed by Mr. Clay to be as much as could be profitably expended.]

MR. CLAY thought there was no inconsistency between the two propositions to amend the bill as proposed by the senator from South Carolina with the view of reducing the amount proposed for fortifications, and to amend it as proposed by the senator from Delaware, to restrain the issue of money from the public treasury, except as it should be called for in a course of regular disbursement. Both might be well adopted, and he hoped would be.

He had, however, risen more particularly for the purpose of calling the attention of the Senate to the enormous and alarming amount of appropriations which had been actually made, or were in progress, during this session. He had procured from the Secretary of the Senate a statement of such as had been made by bills which had passed one or both Houses up to the 27th of last month, when it amounted to about twenty-five millions. Since then other bills had passed, which swelled it up to thirty-two or three millions; and other bills were now in progress, and would probably pass, carrying it up to forty millions, or beyond that sum. Forty millions of dollars in one year, when we have no debt, and no foreign war! Will not the country be justly alarmed, profoundly astonished, when it

hears of these enormous appropriations? Is it possible to proceed with the government on such a scale of expenditure?

Why, sir, it is a greater amount than is appropriated to similar objects by the British Parliament, since its reform, in one year. The whole revenue of Great Britain is about forty-two millions sterling, of which sum twenty-eight millions is applied to the public debt, six to the payment of pensions, annuities, and so forth, and only about eight millions to the current annual expenses of the whole of their vast establishments, military and naval, and the civil government at home and abroad. Now, forty millions of dollars exceed eight millions sterling. Who would have supposed that an administration, which came in upon pledges and promises of retrenchment, reform, and economy, should, in the eighth year of its rule, have swelled the expenditure of the government to an amount exceeding that of Great Britain? And this surprise must be increased, when we reflect that the British Parliament stands to the people of Great Britain in the double relation of the federal and State governments to the people of the United States.

When Mr. Adams left the administration, the current annual expenses of the government, exclusive of the public debt, amounted to about twelve millions. Only a few years ago, a Secretary of the Treasury under the present administration (Mr. McLane), estimated the ordinary expenses of the government at fifteen millions annually. Even during the present session, the able senator from New York, when the land bill was under discussion, placed them for a series of years, at eighteen millions. And now we propose, in this year, to more than treble the amount of expenditure during the extravagant administration, as it was charged, of Mr. Adams!

Mr. Clay hoped the Senate would pause. He called upon the friends of the administration, in no taunting or reproachful spirit, to redeem the pledges and promises with which they came into power. If the love of country, if a faithful discharge of duty to the people, if a just economy would not animate them, and stay these extravagant appropriations, he hoped the devotion to party would. Could they expect to continue in power (and he candidly confessed, that he was not particularly anxious that they should), with such unexampled appropriations? How can they meet their constituents with these bills staring them in the face?

And for what purpose shall they be made? Does any man believe, will any senator rise in his place and say, that these immense appropriations can be prudently, safely, and wisely disbursed? He had, indeed, heard that it was not expected they would be. He had heard, what was too wicked, profligate, and monstrous for him to believe, that it was intended to withdraw the appropriations from the public treasury, place them to the credit of disbursing officers, in the custody of local banks, and thus elude the operation of the deposit bill, which has recently passed. That bill had been demanded by the people of this country. It had passed from a profound sense of duty, in consequence of that demand, by unprecedented

majorities in both Houses. And he would not allow himself for a moment to believe, that a sinister design existed anywhere, to elude the operation of that great and salutary measure. What, sir! is the money of the people of this country to be held in deposit banks, one of which, according to a statement going the rounds of the papers, has made fourteen and a half per centum dividend for six months?

The annual average appropriations for fortifications heretofore, have been about seven hundred and fifty or eight hundred thousand dollars; and by the bill now before us, and that for a similar object which we have sent to the House, if both pass, we shall have appropriated for fortifications for one year, four millions and a half. Is it possible in one year judiciously to expend this enormous sum? When we look at the price of labor, the demands upon it for an increase of the army, for volunteers, and for the general avocations of society, does any body believe that this vast sum can be judiciously laid out? It has been said that, having omitted to make any appropriation last year, we ought this year to appropriate double the or dinary sum. But, if you can not safely expend it, why should that be done? He was willing to make large and liberal appropriations for the navy and for fortifications; we ought, however, to look to all our great interests, and regulate the appropriations in reference to a survey of the whole country; and he earnestly entreated the Senate to fulfill the hopes and expectations which had been recently inspired in the people of this country, by checking and putting itself decidedly against this rash, wild, and ruinous extravagance. He would vote for the commitment, to reduce the appropriations one half; after which there would remain an amount equal to double the ordinary annual appropriations, without including the sum in the bill now before the House.

ON RECOGNIZING THE INDEPENDENCE OF

TEXAS.

IN SENATE, JULY 1, 1836.

[THE first public and formal declaration of independence by the people of Texas, in their relations to the Republic of Mexico, was in March, 1836. In April, the next month, a decisive battle was fought, on the banks of the San Jacinto river, between the Mexicans, led on by Santa Anna, and the Texans, commanded by General Houston. The forces of the parties were most unequal, the Texans being a small and undisciplined band of volunteers, while Santa Anna brought against them a regular army, intending to take the Texans by surprise, and annihilate them. He was defeated, and himself taken prisoner. With the President of Mexico in their hands, the Texans had an easy and advantageous negotiation, though not definitive as to final independence. From that moment, all the movements of Texas toward independence were rapid. In less than three months, the following resolution was reported to the Senate of the United States, and adopted unanimously :

Resolved, that the independence of Texas ought to be acknowledged by the United States, whenever satisfactory information shall be received that it has in successful operation a civil government, capable of performing the duties and fulfilling the obligations of an independent power.

It was on this resolution that Mr. Clay made the following remarks.]

MR. CLAY said, that the report of the committee on foreign relations was so full, and the session was so near its termination, that he had not thought it necessary to add one word to what that document contained; and he should not now have risen but for the amendment proposed by the senator from South Carolina (Mr. Preston), and what had fallen from him. With respect to that amendment, I have no objection to it, and wish it to be adopted. The committee on foreign relations had reported a resolution, declaring that Texas ought to be recognized as an independent power,

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