It is true that all government is a matter of trust. Individual men are trustees created by Providence, bound to administer their faculties to the best advantage, not merely for themselves but for their fellow-men. But if, by the use of the term trustee, it is proposed to qualify, limit, or restrain the trust so as to resemble the ordinary trusts that are created in the course of human transactions, I do not concur at all in that idea. The government is a trustee for the purpose of administering the affairs of the nation according to its best judgment for the good of the whole, and all the parts of the whole. With respect to the State of Illinois-and I believe the same is true to a considerable extent with reference to Mississippi and Alabama, but I happen to know something personally of the interior of the State of Illinois-that portion of the State through which this road will run is a succession of prairies, the principal of which is denominated the Grand Prairie. I do not recollect its exact extent, but it is, I believe, about three hundred miles in length, and but one hundred in breadth. Now, this road will pass directly through that Grand Prairie lengthwise, and there is nobody who knows any thing of that Grand Prairie, who does not know that the land in it is utterly worthless for any present purpose -not because it is not fertile, but for the want of wood, and water, and from the fact that it is inaccessible, wanting all facilities for reaching a market, or for transporting timber, so that nobody will go there and settle while it is so destitute of all the advantages of society, and the conveniences which arise from a social state. And now, by constructing this road through the prairie, through the center of the State of Illinois, you will bring millions of acres of land immediately into market, which will otherwise remain for years and years entirely unsalable.

Well, so with regard to Alabama and Mississippi: the road which is proposed will pass through what is called the pine barrens. The soil there, except in occasional spots, is entirely valueless, though it is covered with timber which is intrinsically very valuable, but now worthless, because it is unapproachable, and not available for the want of some means of transport to a market. Well, by running this road through those portions of Mississippi and Alabama, you will again bring into market an immense amount of lands, increasing their value to the benefit of the treasury of the United States.

Now, is it possible that the government, trustee, or whatever you may choose to call it-an intelligent being, at any rate-is not bound to manage the property belonging or intrusted to it in such a manner as shall, in its own judgment, redound most to the benefit of the whole country? And in promoting the good of the parts, you promote the good of the whole. Is there a man even in Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, Kentucky, Illinois, or the adjoining States, who will not, in one way or another, avail himself of the advantages of such a road in the facilities for travel or transportation? It will furnish a continuous route from Chicago to Mobile. And Georgia has already her iron arms stretch

ing out in the same direction, and will readily form junctions with the Alabama road.

The honorable senator from South Carolina [Mr. Butler] has anticipated some difficulty in relation to Tennessee and Kentucky. Why, sir, the project is to carry the road from Mobile to the mouth of the Ohio river, or to some place in that vicinity, perhaps to Columbus, a town a few miles below the mouth of the Ohio-thus making one grand line from Mobile to Chicago, or wherever the northern terminus may be, passing through Kentucky at that part of the State where it is extremely narrow; and I can not think there will be any difficulty under the provisions of this bill, either in that State or in Tennessee, on account of the want of public lands along the route. It is impossible, in the administration of the great interests of this country, to distribute the advantages of the administration equally among all the States. Take the collection of the revenue for example. In the city of New York alone, there are eight or nine hundred functionaries connected with that branch of the public service, from all whom that city derives an advantage in the expenditure of their salaries and their residence as citizens there, and from other incidental causes. If we were to insist upon the principle of a precisely equal distribution if the benefits arising from such sources, we should be obliged to have a corps of eight or nine hundred officers, stationed in every city throughout the country, with fixed salaries and with no duties to perform; and so of the other great interests of the country. But the custom-house at New York, and the corps of officers maintained at New York, are not intended for the benefit of New York. They are for the benefit of the whole country; and just so this road, proposed to be built in Illinois, although she will derive, doubtless, the largest and most immediate advantage from it. It is for the sake, in the first place, of the public lands, and for the sake of the commerce, and travel, and intercourse, between the people of this great republic, which, the more the facilities of intercommunication are augmented, becomes the more harmonious and homogeneous in all its parts.

Then, sir, I am in favor of these measures. I have not had it in my power to look into the bill with that care that I ought to have bestowed. I confess I have some hesitation, unless it is put under proper restriction, about going so far from the road on either side of it-a distance of six miles. To go away off where the making of the road will create no additional value to the land, is doubtful, especially unless it is placed under proper restrictions. But so many of these restrictions are provided that I can not entertain a doubt as to the exercise of this power-a power of this government by whatsoever name it may be called, of which I can have no doubt as to its right, or of the propriety of applying a portion of the public land in order to increase the value of the rest. These are my views and opinions. I do not intend to discuss these subjects now, for I have often discussed them heretofore; but I have thought it right to express these opinions thus briefly.

ON THE SEARCH FOR SIR JOHN FRANKLIN.

IN SENATE, MAY 1, 1850.

[Ir would, of course, be expected that this humane enterprise would enlist the sympathies of Mr. Clay, as illustrated in the following remarks.]

MR. CLAY. I think I feel myself authorized to say that the senator from Indiana will not make any further opposition, if it can be said to be opposition that he made before to this resolution. If it is to be passed, it seems to me that it should be passed immediately. In a very few days the vessels will take their departure, and therefore I hope the resolution will be taken up, and I shall be happy to find that it meets with general concur

rence.

The motion was agreed to, and the resolution was considered, as follows:

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the president be and he is hereby authorized and directed to receive from Henry Grinnell, of the city of New York, the two vessels prepared by him for an expedition in search of Sir John Franklin and his companions, and to detail from the navy such commissioned and warrant officers and so many seamen as may be necessary for said expedition, and who may be willing to engage therein. The said officers and men shall be furnished with suitable rations, at the direction of the president, for a period not exceeding three years, and shall have the use of such necessary instruments as are now on hand and can be spared from the navy, to be accounted for or returned by the officers who shall receive the same.

“Resolved further, That the said vessels, officers, and men, shall be in all respects under the laws and regulations of the navy of the United States until their return, when the said vessels shall be delivered to the said Henry Grinnell: Provided, That the United States shall not be liable to any claim for compensation in case of the loss, damage, or deterioration of the said vessels, or either of them, from any cause or in any manner whatever, nor be liable to any demand for the use or risk of the said vessels, or either of them."

I beg leave to say a few words only in support of this resolution. The navigator whose fate has interested so large a portion of the world, went upon his perilous expedition not merely for the sake of his own country, or his own fame, but for the general good of mankind, and of the com

mercial world of all mankind; and it does, therefore, seem to me peculiarly proper and expedient, that the interest which is taken in his fate should not be confined merely to the country from which he went, but that it should be co-extensive with Christendom, and all those parts of the world which could possibly be benefited, if he had succeeded in that expedition. I think, therefore, that upon that ground the resolution should be adopted. Although I accord in the expression of opinion urged against the union of a public and individual enterprise generally, yet, in a case of this kind, I should hope that would not be permitted to prevent the passage of this resolution. Indeed, it appears to me, that when any one of our merchants displays a spirit of enterprise and humanity, such as has been manifested on the part of the unpretending, modest, and highly worthy gentleman who has tendered these vessels to the government, it is very proper on the part of the government to encourage such efforts on the part of commercial men, all over the country, and sanction them, and aid in carrying them out. All that is asked for the accomplishment of this enterprise is, that government shall give the authority of its name to those commanding these ships, in order to preserve that subordination which may be essential to the success of the enterprise. I beg leave to add, that although I am among those who despair of the recovery of this lost navigator, it will be a matter of satisfaction to know, if possible, what his fate has been; and it may turn out, too, that in carrying out this enterprise, other discoveries may be made, which will benefit our country and the world. In consideration of the nature of the enterprise, and of the high character of this body, which, above all others in the whole world, should seize on every opportunity to aid in such a noble enterprise, I trust the Senate will not hesitate to give its sanction to it.

ON THE REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF

THIRTEEN.

IN SENATE, MAY 13, 1850.

[THE special Committee of Thirteen, to consider Mr. Clay's and Mr. Bell's resolutions, and to report a bill or bills of compromise, was appointed April 19, 1850, and was composed as follows: Messrs. Cass, Dickinson, Bright, Webster, Phelps, Cooper, King, Mason, Downs, Mangum, Bell, and Berrien, Mr. Clay being chairman. On the 8th of May, Mr. Clay made his report, a notice of which, and some extracts, will be found in the third volume of this work. On the 13th of May, he took up the report, explained it in detail, and endeavored to show why it should be adopted by the Senate. The following is the speech made on this occasion.]

MR. CLAY said: I have risen for the purpose of making some statements and an additional exposition relative to the report of the committee, of their proceedings, and of their action upon the important subjects before you. When the report of the committee was presented to the Senate, last week, various members of the committee rose, and stated that parts of that report had not met with their concurrence. Mr. President, it might have been stated with perfect truth that no one member of the committee concurred in all that was done, or omitted to be done. There was, however, a majority upon most of the subjects, indeed, upon all of the subjects, which have been reported by the committee to the Senate. Each senator, perhaps, if left to himself separately, would have presented the various matters which have been reported to the Senate in a different form from that in which they now present themselves. I was myself, upon one occasion, in a minority. I have not been discouraged, Mr. President, in the smallest degree, by the differences which existed, either in the committee, or which were manifested in the Senate when the report was presented. Gentlemen who did not agree exactly to what was done, will, no doubt, in the progress of the measure, endeavor to make it conformable to their wishes. If it should not be so modified, I indulge with confidence the hope that no one Pages 161 and 359.

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