in the Heptateuch:' but we have not run to give them here. The principal information that we gain from them is, hat its leading features were the metaor and the periphrasis.

The most interesting remains, however, f Anglo-Saxon poetry which time has ffered to reach us, are contained in a unuscript in the Museum, from which fr. Turner's extracts have been both coious and judicious. Mr. Turner thinks at this curious manuscript preserves the dest poem of an epic form in the vernalar language of Europe which now exs. It undoubtedly deserves to be subitted to the public.

The general literature of the Anglo

axons must be dated from their converon to christianity: they derived it chiefly om their religious intercourse with ome: and their literary progress first egan by the introduction into England of e Latin and Greek languages, and by the llection of their books. The sixth and eventh centuries were the happy times f wisdom and knowledge which England 3 known before his time, alluded to by Alfred. Yet though literature in the seeath and eighth centuries was striking root into every part of England, it was the monasteries almost exclusively that met with any fit soil, or displayed any veetation. The ignorance of the secular part

of society was not only gross, but general. Mr. Turner's observations on the state of learning at this period are truly valuable, and he closes them with literary memoirs of those from whom it received its best encouragement.

Of the arts and sciences of the AngloSaxons, Mr. Turner's information has been gathered from the best sources; but there are one or two points in which we cannot fairly agree with him. That the first Saxon churches of our island were all built of wood may be very fairly doubted. That of Greenstead in Essex (p. 452), was originally built but as a temporary chapel for the reception of St. Edmund's body in its way to town. And Ilsley (p. 460), should be Iffley church, which not only was not a Saxon building, but is known to have been erected by a bishop of Lincoln in the twelfth century.

On the more abstruse sciences of the Anglo-Saxons, the propagation of christianity among them, and the progress of their language, we have not room for extracts. In the latter enquiry much has been built on Mr. Tooke's foundation. To say more would be superfluous. It is true we have pointed out a few faults, but we have rarely seen a book replete with knowledge more curious or more instruc tive.

THIS author uses the word monopoly, not in its proper sense for exclusive deulng, but in an arbitrary sense for large dealg. By thus changing the meaning of eword, in defiance both of etymology and of usage, he may easily make it apear that what he calls monopoly, that is, he employment of large capitals in any given branch of business, is useful to the public; a truism which has never been alled in question.

Large farms are here most absurdly Cassed as monopolies; whereas they inCrease the competition of sellers: for small farmers cannot afford to attend the cornmarkets, but dispose of their produce to the miller and the inn-keeper without throwing it into the national stock at all; hile large farmers bring their grain to the merchant, and accept whatever price results from the average demand..

The East India Company, on the other band, is justly classed as a monopoly;

but it is not equally just to class it as a useful institution. The conquests in Hindostan have chiefly resulted from the interference of the state through its military patronage and its board of controul. The commerce of Hindostan would more than double instantly, in case of a dissolution of the Company: it would probably have ascended to ten times its present amount, if the Company had been abolished in 1783. Compare the rapid growth of West Indian commerce under a free trade, with the slow and lingering growth of East Indian commerce under a monopoly: although in the East Indies there existed already a vast and civilized population to deal with, and the privi lege of intercourse pervaded continents and islands immeasurable and innumerable; while in the West Indies the population was to create, and the agriculture too, before any profitable intercourse could be founded.

An attempt is made to show (p. 25), that war cheapens corn; but the few in

stances adduced do not suffice to establish an improbable general principle.

THE two dissertations here reprinted in French are extracted from the Memoirs of the Parisian Institute, where they were originally read, and received with a courtly, but with a rational approbation. They originate from the French minister for foreign affairs, and have therefore a title to be considered, not merely as the speculations of an enlightened individual, but as the projects of an active and ambitious go

vernment.

The first respects the commerce of the United States with Great Britain. It reveals to France that little hope can now be entertained of superseding the British merchants in the American trade. If the monopoly enjoyed by France during the rebellion, if the regulations obtained during the fresh emotions of gratitude for their emancipation, did not suffice to divert the current of commerce from its ancient channel, no new motives can be offered strong enough to affect the result. The habit of analogous wants, and of reciprocal accommodation, the use of a common language, the kinship of the people, the similarity of their laws, which decides in an expected manner every question of property, the Englishness of Washington's disposition, which favoured an early and entire reconciliation, the sympathy of religious sentiment between the trading towns and classes of Great Britain and those of North America, would account for a preference of intercourse, were circumstances of interest in equipoise: but the British nation has, besides, the advantage of manufactures more cheap and more adapted, and of capitals more profuse and more rotatory than the French nation.

The American character is, in Talleyrand's opinion, and he had observed it closely on the spot, not fixed. He sketches with eloquence the woodman and the fisherman, as the most common specimens of native manners: the inhabitants of towns ape the British. He omits to observe that there is a growing difference of opinion, and of spirit, between the northern and the southern states. The state of New York, and all the more northerly, tend to freceive rom Boston the colouring of their

manners and opinions: they resemble the calvinistic protestants of Europe in their probity, in their love of order and discipline, in their frugality, their puritanism, their piety. The state of Pennsylvania, and all the more southerly, tend to receive from Baltimore the colouring of their manners and opinions: they resemble the deistical classes of Europe in their amb tion, in their love of liberty and indelgence, in their profusion, their liberti ism, their profaneness. The former have a Scottish, the latter an Irish basis of character: the former delight in maritime, the latter aspire to military enterprize The profuse employment of negroes in the southern states will gradually found a mulatto peasantry and a clipt jargon. It is not unlikely that geographical parties may arise, and that the northern and southern states may separate from each other, under the chieftaincy of distinct presidents. In that case the southern states will least disincline to French alliance.

The results drawn from the facts

duced are, 1st, "That the first years c a peace decide the commercial system of a state, and that, if these are not turned to account, the neglect becomes irrepar ably ruinous.

2d, "That commercial habits are broken with more difficulty than is sup posed, and that interest may approximate at once and for ever those who were arm ed for years against each other.

3d, That, in the calculation of da rable connection between men, identity of language is to be reckoned as one of the strongest bonds.

4th, That the liberty, and especially the equality of religious sects, is one of the most powerful instruments of social tranquillity; for where consciences are respected, other rights will be so too.

5th, "That the spirit of commerce, which renders men tolerant from indifference, also renders them selfish from avidity; and that a people, whose morality has been shaken by long agitations, ought by wise institutions to be attracted toward agriculture; for commerce keeps the passions in effervescence, but agricul ture calins them.

And finally, that after a revolution which has changed every thing, a man must know how to renounce his hatreds if he would secure his happiness."

There is good sense and good writing in this dissertation; but less originality and force of thought, and less precision and splendour of expression, than might have been expected from one, who ranks so high among French intellects, and who has attained a celebrity so European.

The second essay has a superior merit. It begins by predicting the separation of the West India islands from their respective mother-countries. This is not easy. Without a vast protecting naval force, such as North America cannot yet furnish, the British colonies could not rebel without risking to incur a total devastation; beside being under the necessity of armng the slaves, for whom the independence would be acquired.

It next recommends the establishment of new colonies, as a commercial substitute for the old, and as a mean of busying and providing for those agitators, who, having been disappointed in one revolution, are for trying others.

In examining the motives (says Talleyrand) which instigated the establishment of ancient colonies, it may be remarked, that, even when they were indispensable, they were still voluntary: they were suggested by governments as an inviting speculation, not as a penal banishment. This idea is especially conspicuous, that states ought always to hold in reserve the means of placing usefully, out of their own precincts, that superfluity of citizens, which, from time to time, grows formidable to tranquillity."

The author next adverts to the colonization of Louisiana, undertaken in 1719, and of Cayenne, undertaken in 1763, by the French government. He attributes the failure to the not sending out orderly industrious frugal families, instead of profligate spendthrift disgraced adventurers. Finally, he proposes the islands along the African coast, near the mouths of the Senegal and the Gambia, as the proper seats of a new colonization. This project, we believe, originated with Montlinot, and was further evolved by Golberry, in a publication consecrated to that purpose. It is said that the recommendation of Talleyrand had weight with Mr. Pitt, who was about to send out, under Capt. Beaver, a well-appointed preliminary cargo of settlers for Bulam, in order thence to overspread this very dis trict.

The French are less adapted to be the founders, than the conquerors of colonies. Their Cayenne has in forty years not attained so great a prosperity, as Britain added to Demerary in five, by taking it under her protection. It is the same in Canada: the habits of our emigrants are so much more favourable to thrift, that the English population doubles its numbers as fast again as the French; and their very language is in danger of becoming obsolete. The French resemble the Greeks of antiquity: they have the military and intellectual virtues, not the civil and commercial: they have courage and talent, not probity and industry. It is wiser for them to invade than to found; to seize than to earn. The soundest advice given them in this essay, is the indirect intimation (at p. 45), that it would be well to prepare by negotiations the cession to France of Egypt: they would there occupy the sovereign and ornamental situations of society, with little need of toil, and none of morals: they would direct to more productive forms of agriculture the labours of a swarming population, and would carry the arts and literature to revisit the nest whence they sprang. The French would be quieter neighbours to Europe and to ourselves, if they had an outlet for their wild population: Egypt is for us, for them, for all men, precisely the safest stowage.

The peroration is thus conceived:"From what has been advanced it follows, that every thing presses us to be busied about new colonies: the example of the wisest nations who have made them means of tranquillity; the necessity for providing against the separation of our actual colonies, in order not to be left behindhand by events; the expediency of cultivating tropical productions in the neighbourhood of their natural cultivators; the propriety of forming with our colonies a more natural sort of union, which will be easier in new than in old establishments; the advantage of not being forestalled by a rival nation, for which each of our delays in this way is a conquest; the opinion of enlightened

men who have directed their attention

and their enquiries to this object; and, finally, the pleasure of being able to attach to such enterprizes those speculative men who want projects, and those disap pointed men who want hopes.

"Diversa exilia et desertas quærere terras, Auguriis agimur Divum."