but they are very little formed to the notion of assigning him a pecuniary and independent remuneration.

"In the remainder of the country, the face of society does not vary essentiallythe prevalence of agriculture in this tract has formed a very numerous class of substantial and comfortable farmers; they are not prompt in their contributions-they require to be pressed, solicited, nay teazed; it is, however, in one shape or other obtained from them; and where the priest has a farm, the working people, by immemorial usage, assign him a day in each season, for the several operations of husbandry; this custom (which once was universal), as well as the donations of produce I have just noticed, have fallen very much into disuse, since the demand for Labour has encreased, and since the value, both of that and of articles of produce, has been enhanced considerably.

"I would simply propose to introduce into our Roman Catholic ecclesiastical system the principle of fixed property, and the principle of preferment. I would reduce the duties to a certain compass, and allow leisure to fulfil them; some minor objects occur which may be turned to advantage in the correction of our people, and which therefore become momentous.

"I have already noticed the huts or hovels which occasionally appear to be dedicated to the worship of God, according to the forms of the Roman Catholic discipline. Indeed I am given to understand, that in a few instances the service is performed under a ditch, without any other shelter. This humiliation is not disgraceful to the people, it is their misfortune; but certainly there is neither honour nor ornament to the country, nor is it creditable to its gentry, that the worship of the God whom we all adore, upon principles in which we are unanimous, and according to rights not very foreign from those of the predominant or established church, should be, under all the circumstances of ancient and popular following, thus meanly and shamefully conducted. I would abate those nuisances-those monuments of churlish imbecility and faction. I would substitute decent and comfortable edifices-I would do so, in the hope that the people who frequent those places of worship night be induced, by the greater show of neatness and propriety, to attend their parish chapel in better apparel. The inferior Irish require to be led out of the habits of rags and filth into those of a certain elevation of mind and decency of appear

ance; they require to be initiated in those wants which would prove a spur to their exertions, and give a more laudable direction to their expences.

"The new division of parishes would inipose a necessity of building several chapels; where the old ones are in the condition I have described, it would be equally incumbent to replace them. Hitherto this charge has been left to the wealthy Roman Catholics, and those Protestants (I must say they have been many) who saw the propriety of making this provision for the popular worship, and paying this compliment to its followers. Those who act so deserve praise, but I cannot see that the foundation of a national improvement ought to come out of the pockets of particular descriptions. It certainly is a matter of as close interest to a Protestant, as to a Roman Catholic of property, to redeem the people from dissipation and nastiness; it is a matter of nearer interest, when the people to be so redeemed happen to stand to the former in the relation of his neighbours, his tenantry, or dependants.

"When the Roman Catholics of a parish are not able to provide themselves with a moderately neat and decent chapel, the judges of assize might have power to order the work to be done, and to direct the grand jury to assess the expence, like our other local improvements, by presentiment. It would add to the merit and utility of the measure, if where there is a Protestant population, the chapel could be placed, contiguous to the church, so that the respective congregations, at least at going to and from Divine service, might mix and be blended together."

This is buying the catholic clergy rather dear; yet it is evidently better to hire their allegiance than to set it at defiance. The foundation of schools, the diffusion of the art of reading, is the first and most essential step toward the abolition of fanaticism: surely the catholics could be induced to use a vernacular liturgy, which converts at once every place of worship into a reading-school.

There is a copiousness in Mr. M'Kenna's mode of writing, which at times fatigues; but his information is complete, his practical good-sense highly worthy of contidence; his sentiments liberal and gentlemanly, and his eloquence polished and splendid.

THIS pamphlet, although addressed to the Right Honourable George Rose, is not a reply to his Observations on, the

Poor Laws,' or a perpetual commentary. It makes a pretext of that publication, which circulates much, for introducing

tem of benefit-societies might be advantageously substituted. One of his schemes is to found a vast old-man's hospital, in which all those should have a right to spend their age, who would contribute in early life towards its maintenance.

The plan merits diffusion.

"1. That a subscription should be immediately commenced, for the purpose of establishing an asylum, for the aged and infirm of every description.

to first.

"11. That rooms should be provided for persons coming to the metropolis, (and not having acquaintances,) where they might continue for short intervals, until they might find employment; in order to preserve then from falling into the hands of the artful and depraved.

12. That cripples and disabled persons should also be admitted, upon the recom with due regard to their several infirmities. mendation of subscribers, and be employed

4. That in the erection and contrivance of such premises, particular regard should be paid to their being provided with suitable accommodations and conveniences, to afford every pleasure and comfort that can be necessary to soften the effects of age and misfortune.

5. That each contributor to the fund should be entitled, in case of necessity, to a distinct and entire set of chambers, for the use of himself and family, which should be as much their own, and for their own use, during the remainder of their lives, as any possession which they might have purchased in any other way elsewhere; subject only to such rules as the good order and tranquillity of the institution might require.

"6. That besides a dwelling, each should be allowed an annuity, with certain indul gences, according to the class in which he shall have contributed, and which should be divided in proportion to the sums paid.

7. That those not chusing to become residents, should receive their annuities at their own dwellings.

8. That voluntary subscribers should be privileged to recommend poor persons, whose poverty or misfortunes alone, have disabled them from making any provision for themselves; with limitation, that no person should be recommended who had omitted contributing to the fund, when the means were in his power.

"9. That all regular contributors should be at liberty to send their children to be educated and instructed in all the useful

arts.

10. That books should be opened at the office of the institution, to receive the applications of all persons in want of agents or

13. That poor persons should be allo upon moderate terms, to send their chilotherwise be obliged either to neglect their dren to be nursed and educated, who would children, or the means by which they obtain a livelihood.

"14. That a bank should be opened to receive the small savings or earnings of the youth of both sexes, who have no dependence but their labour and economy, and to return them on the day of their marriage, with the interest and premiums proportioned to the amount.

"15. That baths and conveniences should be provided, to which itinerant dealers and wandering people might resort, to wash both themselves and their clothes.

"16. That the peculiar circumstances of marine and military persons, not permitting them to contribute regularly, like the other classes of the community, separate funds might deposit such sums as they might oc should be formed for them, in which they casionally spare, and which should be returned to them in annuities, with proportionate premiums, in cases of age or infirmity.

"17. That the surpluses should be so divided as to indemnify those who might subscribe to the fund, without having occasion to apply to it for aid through life.

the government of a president and twentyfour directors, to be chosen by the subscribers of certain descriptions, from amongst them selves, and that certain great officers of state, and representatives of public bodies for the time being, should be members of the court.

"18. That the institution should be under

The immediate management to be vested in certain subordinate officers, who should be responsible for the good conduct of the institution, and for the due observance of all its rules and regulations."

Instead of building this protestant monastery near the metropolis, where the expence of founding and feeding such an institution is the greatest possible, why not construct it in some romantic situation of the cheapest provinces of the empire! Among the hills of Devonshire, or the

"15. Account of a female benefit club begun at York, January 1, 1801, by the enrolment of two hundred and forty honorary members, and completed by the admission of one hundred and fifty general members, on the 24th of the following June.

66

16. Observations on the above institution: necessity of its being established on so large a scale.

17. Sketch of a female benefit club in the parish of Thornhill, in the West Riding of this county, established on the 1st of September, 1804.

"18. General observations on friendly societies. Principles essential to their answering the ends for which they are instituted, and therefore considered by the author as fundamental in their formation.

66 19. On the great importance of the plan of the ladies' committee: obstacles they will have to encounter: considerations on the best means of overcoming them.

"20. Inquiry how far some other parts of the plan of the ladies' committee may be prac

ticable, and by what means some difficulties, which appear formidable, may at length be overcome."

Of all these very interesting and instructive enquiries the most important, and that which most requires legislative interference, is perhaps the case of female apprentices. They are too commonly the starvelings of parsimony, and the prema ture victims of niggardly libertinism. Why tolerate enduring contracts? Why cannot every agreement be made by the year, and for the year? The power is excessive, and it is very frequently abused, which masters have obtained over their apprentices of both sexes. It would abolish a great deal of household strife and cruelty to quash this legitimate despotism. Apprenticeships are, for the most part, fraudulent contracts, in which the master takes advantage of a child's ignorance, and of its parents' impatience of the voracity of adolescence, to purchase three or four years of its labour at one-fourth below the value.

Every part of this book is valuable: the appendix contains useful documents for founding friendly societies of females. The civic duties of women form a new

branch of morality, which it is the merit of the present age to have brought into busier practice. The deaconesses of the primitive church did indeed, in many respects, render to the poor services analogous to those conferred by the superintendants of our friendly societies, but there was less of wisdom and discrimination in the end and direction of their efforts. The

Fabiola of Saint Jerome, who is said to have founded the first-hospital for the sick poor, does not appear to have given personal attention to its management.

THIS tract is ascribed to an eminent civilian, who wrote under the patronage of his majesty's late ministers. It has made that sort of impression which usually attends a pamphlet supposed to be official: the merchant buys it, in order to square his precautions accordingly: the placemen all have it at your service: if you meet a clergyman in company, he enquires whether you have read it.

Yes, we have read it, and read it with sorrow. It proposes to this nation to revoke its own concessions, to dissolve into a nest of pirates, and to become the pest

of the seas, as France is. of the land. It tends to bring on an immediate rupture with North America, and a fresh combination of the Baltic powers, to cripple our maritime ascendancy. The counsel it offers is doubly pernicious; very impo litic, and somewhat unjust.

The objections ought to pass into circu lation; we shall therefore be minute in our criticism.

The author begins by barking at Boraparte. When an Englishman meditates conduct which he feels to be unbecoming, he sets about accusing the French of ana

gous oppression; he secretly intends their precedent both for an example, and an extenuation. Among the paragraphs dapted to irritate our anti-gallican passions, others are interspersed, which pretend that war has changed its character, and is become a cause of opulence. This is ignomly inferred from the notorious circumtance that, during the anti-jacobin war, he West Indian trade of Britain flourished, hich arose from the devastation of San Domingo, and some other seats of tropical griculture; in consequence of which, ast additional lands could be cultivated by s, without overstocking the European market with produce. Produce sold dear, ot because there was war, but because here was scarcity. Unless missionaries re sent to make insurrections of slaves Cuba and Carolina, mere war would ot again raise the price of sugar, coffee, nd cotton: the seats of culture have hifted, but the production meets the verage demand. The argument from evenge, and the argument from cupidity, o begin a war against neutrals, are feeble o paltriness.

Next comes the author's strong-hold: is argument from the pretended princites of international law.

According to the rule between nations, remy's property found on board neutral sels is lawful prize. In the Consolato el Mare, it is laid down as a rule,-Se la ae, o navilio, che pigliato sara, fusse di ici, e le mercanzie, che lui portera, san d'inimici, lo ammiraglio della nave, del navilio armato, puo forzare e costrinen quel patrone di quella nave, o di quel wilio, che lui pigliato avera, che lui, con ella sua nave, gli debba portare quello, e di suoi inimici sara.-Thus not only emy's property found on board a neutral lawful prize; but the neutral is comilable to bring the property to the port dicated by the captor. He is, for this, ▸ be allowed freight. Albericus Gentilis lates a case where the Tuscans took the fects of the Turks, at that time their enies, on board some English vessels. case was tried; the Turkish goods re determined to be legal prize; but captor was ordered to pay the freight the English: it being a principle that nt belongs not to the eneiny cannot be ired by war.

Grotius is not explicit on this subject. countenances the opinion, that not emy's property in general, but only inments of hostility, are seizable in neubottoms. The modern doctrine seems

to derive from him, that neutral ships make neutral cargoes, with the exception of what is called contraband of war. His words are: Quare quod dici solet hostilen censeri res in hostium navibus repertas, ROR ita accipi debet quasi certa sit juris gentiana ler (lib. iii. c. vi. § 6); where the word kostium is plainly a slip of the pen for amicorum, the ships and cargoes of enemies being of course confiscable, or condemnable yet Puffendorf has not detected this error of phrase, but comments the passage as if it were correct.

Bynkershoek disinclines to this doctrine of Grotius, that a neutral vessel neutralizes her cargo, and says expressly :-Non sum qui videam, cur non liceret capere res hostiles quamvis in navi amicâ repertas ; id enim capio quod hostium est, quodque jure belli victori cedit. So says also the French naval ordinance of 1681.

The difficulty which Grotius felt in defining what is enemy's property, when found in the ships of neutral countries, can only be eluded by naming certain articles as illegal. Merchants are now so accustomed to provide proofs that the property of a given consignment vests in a neutral house, that it is become the object of a regular per centage, to furnish a vessel's cargo with papers proving it to be American. There is sometimes an honest, there is oftener a mimic, transfer. This is the fraud against which our author inveighs with so much bitterness, which he represents as so useful to our enemies, and so detrimental to us; which he calls a war in disguise, and which he wishes to punish by the indiscriminate seizure and condemnation of all neutral vessels which have taken their cargoes in colonial ports.

'The Americans admittedly go to Port au Prince in San Domingo, and receive on board cargoes of coffee, sugar, and cotton, which are, in the ship's papers, specified to belong to American merchants resident in Charlestown. The vessels, on their arrival in America, are often provided with fresh papers, without being unloaded, and come to Europe to deliver such cargoes at Bourdeaux; the fresh papers still specifying the property to be wholly American. So, from the Havannah, dollars, indigo, tobacco, are carried to Salem; there provided with fresh papers, and thence carried to Bilbao or Cadiz. These vessels are known to bring the produce of French planters to French ports, and of Spanish planters to Spanish ports; but if our cruizers seize the vessels, and bring them hither for adjudication, the papers are such