power on earth shall wrest it from me, or make me discover a single individual of them. Do not, therefore, torture my unfortunate companions in this respect, for they are not in possession of my secret. I have been myself the confident of all, taken individually, and none among them has been the confident of another. In my breast alone is this secret

vested, and with ine it shall descend to the grave inviolate.'-'What motive induced you to conceive, plan, and execute so hor rible a crime? Your barbarity! You are all tyrants, monsters thirsting for blood, tigers; and courage, not justice, is wanting to your victims to purify the earth of both you and the deeds you execute!'

"As he pronounced these words, his captain advanced furiously toward him, and gave vent to the most extravagant invectives, at the same time striking him a blow on the breast; the soldier, with the rapidity of lightning, seized the bayonet of one of the guards who supported him, and plunged it into the heart of his captain, saying as he did it, ⚫ Take this, mouster! I shall now enjoy the consolation of sending thee to hell before I die!' Then addressing himself to the council in general, he said, Of what service is it to defer my execution? If, however, you wish me to reveal any thing, let me be furnished with materials for writing to the king. I will tell hin every thing, provided no one sees my letter; that I shall be allowed to seal it with

my own hands, and give it into those of the postmaster in the presence of several persons.' The members of the council, fearing he would prove some serious accusation against them, refused his proposal.

"When Frederic came to Neiss, at the time of the next reviews, he reproached the superior officers of the garrison, in the severest terms, for having rejected the proposal made by this criminal of writing to the king: he declared plainly, that nothing but their accusing consciences had actuated their conduct."

A similar conspiracy was once formed at Berlin. These facts were hushed up, that the people might remain in ignorance of their danger, and the army of their strength. Frederic himself one day when reviewing his troops, expressed his admiration to the prince d'Anhalt, that, in the midst of such an army, they should be in perfect safety. Here, said he, are sixty thousand men, who are all irreconcilable enemies to both you and myself; not one among them that is not a man of more strength and better armed than either, yet they all tremble at our presence! The story of the officer, shot for keeping a light in his tent in disobedience of his orders while he wrote to his wife, is without the slightest foundation.

The history of baron Trenck appears ip

this part of the work: an intrigue with the princess Amelia was his real offence. They who over-value the advantages of wealth and rank, may believe it a happy thing to be a prince; but there can be no doubt that it is a very unhappy thing to be a princess. The history is exceedingly affecting. No people seem to indulge in such extravagance of feeling as the Ger mans; the best religion for them would be quakerism. Part the fifth. his Schools, and philosophical.

Frederic, his Acadenz, his Friends literary and In the commencement of this part we meet with a sad instance of literary anger. M. Pothe had written an account of all the books which had ever been published upon chemistry, in chronological order; and had made extracts from them of all the discoveries or inprovements which they contained, scor pulously preserving the original text in every instance. This most valuable and most laborious work he threw into the fire, because another person was ma professor of natural philosophy in the academy of Berlin, an honour which he himself had expected!

At the commencement of his reiga

Frederic had formed the singular desia of building a huge pantheon, to serve as 1 temple for all religions, in which every sect might come at its separate hour, and exercise its own form of worship. He thought by this means to induce a spr of toleration, and no doubt he thought also, by thus accommodating all religios equally, to shew his equal contempt of Counsellor Jordan dissuaded him from th foolish plan. It is to this person, whe seems to have been the best of Frederiks friends, that Berlin is indebted for its Hoksenkop, an institution which mig with great advantage be imitated in Ledon. It is a large building to which vagabonds are conducted, till it is known who they are; where their wants are sup plied, but where they are compelled work. We wish the detail of this schenc had been fuller.

Voltaire has, of course, an article of some length devoted to his Prussian adventures. He makes a better figure the history than the king: but it is a li tory not very much to the honour ef either. The marquis d'Argens is a far more interesting character; for unlite Voltaire, all his errors were errors of the understanding only.

Frederic behaved with his usual tyranny, and not his usual generosity, to the

marquis; who did not consent to put himself into the lion's den, without making a special treaty that he should be at liberty to quit his majesty's service when he had reached the age of seventy. He had a brother in France who dearly loved him; the ties of blood grow stronger as we grow older: as the time of his emancipation approached, his brother built him a house, hid out his gardens for him, and expected him with eagerness, that they might pass the few years which remained of life together. But Frederic, though he had ceased to regard the marquis with friendship, or to treat him with kindness, could ni bear to part with a man whom he was in the habit of insulting: his seventieth year arrived, he did not dare demand his release, because he knew it would be refused, and he only ventured to request a leave of absence for six months to visit his brother, which the tyrant would not grant till he had given his word of honour to return at the time appointed. The marquis kept his word, but fell ill upon his return. Frederic was indignant at the delay, and not knowing the cause, suspected that the old philosopher paid as little respect to his

promise, as he himself had done to the termis stipulated when he invited him to Berlin, and immediately, he gave orders that his pension should be stopped. A friend of the marquis very properly sent him notice of what had been done, by a traveller who was exhorted to find him out, and who succeeded. His feelings were such as they ought to be, feelings of anger not of sorrow: he wrote to the king. in a style which may easily be conjectured, and returned to his brother. Frederic ordered him a marble monument when re died; there was some decency in this, but it will not prevent every reader from thinking him an ungrateful and ungenerous tyrant.

These volumes abound with interesting matter. M. Thiebault appears to be a very faithful, as well as a very intelligent writer: he writes so impartially, that though he evidently regards Frederic in a favourable light, his book leaves an unfavourable impression upon the reader. The king of Prussia appears as a worse brother, a worse friend, and a worse man, than we had before supposed him.

A USEFUL book of reference, so far is the dates are concerned, of births, marages, deaths, and the publication of works. We have before stated our geteral objection against such meagre menoirs; but in justice to Mr. Stark, we re happy to allow that although the po:raits he has drawn are mere sketches, here are many of them likenesses. The utlines might be filled up with advan

age.

Scotland has produced her full propor ion of genius, talent, and enterprize: we o not like to see them compressed within be compass of a nut-shell. If this should erve as the nucleus to a larger work, we ire almost disposed to advise the omission f all royal personages. To delineate heir character is the office of history: in work of this kind, particularly on a small cale, they must necessarily occupy a disproportionate share of room, and after all e very imperfectly pourtrayed.

"Ruddiman (Thomas), was born in the arish of Boyndie, Banffshire, in October 674. He was initiated in grammar at the

parish school of Boyndie, and having, in November 1699, gone to Aberdeen, he obtained a bursary in that university. In June 1694, he obtained the degree of master of arts. He was now engaged by Robert Young of Auldbar to assist the studies of his son. While in this situation, hearing, in February 1695, of the decease of Patrick Bellie, the schoolmaster of Laurence-kirk, in the Mearns, he obtained his place, partly by the recommendation of his present patron, though perhaps as much by his own reputation for diligence years and a half, till towards the end of 1699, and learning. Here he remained for three view. The celebrated Dr. Pitcairne being that an accident opened new prospects to his detained by violence of weather at this inconsiderable hamlet, which had not yet a library at the inn, felt the misery of having nothing to do. Wanting society, he inquired if there was no person in the village who could interchange conversation, and would partake of his dinner. The hostess informed him, that be learned, and though modest, she was sure the schoolmaster, though young, was said to could talk. Thus met Pitcairne, at the age of forty-seven, with Ruddiman, at twenty-five. Their literature, their politics, and their ge neral cast of mind, were mutually pleasing to each other. Pitcairne invited Ruddinan to

Edinburgh, offered him his patronage, and performed in the end, what is not always ex perienced, as much as he originally promised. Ruddiman accordingly came to that city in 1700; and on the second of May 1702, he was appointed assistant librarian to the Advocates' Library. In 1709, he published Johnstoni Cantici Solomonis paraphrasis poetica.' To an edition of the translation of Virgil's Aneid by Gavin Douglas, published in 1710, Mr. Ruddiman wrote the large glossary, explaining the difficult wards, and serving for a dictionary to the old Scottish language.' A vacancy happening soon after in the grammarschool of Dundee, the magistrates invited our grammarian to fill the office of Rector; but the Faculty of Advocates, unwilling to part with him, voluntarily gave him an addition to his annual salary, to induce him to continue in their service. In 1714, Ruddiman published 'The Rudiments of the Latin Tongue;' a work which will transmit his name with celebrity to every age, as long as the language of Rome shall be taught in the schools of Scotland. An entire edition of the works of Buchanan, with notes by our author, made its appearance in 1715, in two volumes folio. In the same year he commenced printer, in copartnership with his brother Walter; and the first production of their press was the second volume of Abercromby's Martial Atchievements.' In 1725 he published the first part of his Grammatica Latinæ Institutiones,' and the second part was delivered to the learned world in 1721. Mr. Ruddiman engaged as the printer of a newspaper, The Caledonian Mercury,' in 1724, and in 1729 acquired the property of the paper, which continued in his family to the year 1772. In 1737, when he was upon a visit at London, Ruddiman engaged to edit the Diplomata et Numismata Scotia,' a work left imperfect by the death of the author, Mr. James Anderson. Mr. Ruddiman's preface to that work is a masterpiece of its kind. After this great performance, he ceased for a while from his labours, at the age of sixty-five. The Diplomata,' which added more to his renown than to his fortune, was the last book of any magnitude which his diligence edited. In 1745, however, he wrote a Vindication of Buchanan's version of the Psalms,' in opposition to a learned English gentleman, who had preferred the version of Dr. Johnson. In this elaborate book, which is a standard of criticisin, Mr. Ruddiman shews his unbiassed regard to truth and merit; for though he had differed from Buchanan as a historian, he would maintain his superiority as a poet. During the calamitous summer of 1745, Ruddiman retired from the disturbed scenes of Edinburgh to the sequestered quiet of the country. Here he diverted the dreary days of rebellion, by pursuing his accustomed studies.

It was in the retirement of a farmer's dwelling that he wrote, without any purpose of publication, Critical Observations on Burman's Commentary upon Lucan's Pharsalia, which that eminent scholar had published at

Leyden in 1740. After this time, he pub lished several small treatises on disputed parts of the Scottish history, to which he was called by some who had attacked him with abundance of scurrility and abusive language. He preserved the dignity of a scholar and a christian. While he maintained the truth, he kept his temper; shewed he had the greatness to pity, and the charity to forgive; and was as far superior to his opponents in good breeding as in real knowledge. His princi ples were formed upon mature reflection; but once convinced they were right, he was very steady to them, though at the same time he could make great allowances for those who did not think as he did. In October 1751, at the age of seventy-seven, he was obliged to ask the aid of physicians for preserving his sight, which, however, they did not effect. Yet this misfortune, which to a scholar cannot be easily supplied, did not prevent him from doing good acts to his relations, and continuing his correspondence with his friends; from pursuing his studies, and pro ducing, meantime, his edition of Livy, whi larwood declares is one of the most accurate that ever was published. Glasgow had to boast of the spotless perfection of her Horace, in 1744; Edinburgh had reason, said that able critic, to triumph in the immaculate pe rity of Ruddiman's Livy, in 1751. The deprivation of sight brought with it other losses besides the retardation of his usual labours, and the hindrance of his accustomed walks, Ruddiman had a spirit too conscientious and too independent to hold an office which be could no longer execute. And, on the 7t of January 1752, he gave in a resignation to the Faculty of Advocates of his charge a their librarian, which he had diligently exe cuted for almost half a century. His letter of resignation he wrote in English, expressing his gratitude for their many favours, and of fering his prayers for their future honours When the late Dr. Johnson was told in wh language our grammarian had relinquished his trust, and expressed his thankfulness, said, "That such a letter from such a scholat ought to have been in Latin.' Yet of Rud diman Johnson declared, That his learning is not his highest excellence;' and sent hin as a mark of his kindness, a copy of the Rar bler, when it was republished at Edinburgh Ruddiman, however, had outlived his van ties; and the lawyers of Scotland were not t learn, that their librarian could write Tully' language with Tully's purity. Ruddiman d at Edinburgh on Wednesday the 19th Jan ary 1757, when he had advanced into the 83 year of his age. He had lived for seven year under the affliction of bodily diseases of rious kinds; but his mental powers remaine unshaken to the end. He had been long flicted by the strangury; he had been some what stupified by deafness; and at the same time that the sight of one of his eyes was lo the vision of the other was ahnost extinguishe ed. He was buried in the cemetery of the Grey-friars church.”

WE have been rather doubtful what portion of our pages. we ought to bestow on this volume. As a republication, it would have been entitled only to a slender notice, had it not been for the high character of the present editor. But when we consider the quantity of original matter now brought forward, in the shape either of alterations, critical notes, or additional lives, we feel it a duty to pay more than ordinary attention to a work which has been so reformed.

Our principal object in the following remarks will be to point out some of the principal novelties, whether in biography or criticism, introduced for the first time into this edition. We shall also advert to a few instances, in which, according to our ideas, there are still wanting some touches from the pen of a master, to give life and zest to the judicious but cold and inanimate compilations of Pilkington. Mr. Fuseli, as an original and competent observer, should have suffered no artist of real or reputed excellence to pass by without some testimony to his merits, or reprehension of his defects.

Considering that Giovanni Cimabue, born at Florence so early as the year 1240, was the first person who revived painting after its unfortunate extirpation, it is impossible not to regret the slender notice he has obtained. After retrenching the testimony of Vasari, and the circumstance recorded by the commentator on Dante, Mr. Fuseli contents himself with simply telling us in a note, that "Dante mentions him in the eleventh canto of his purgatory, as one who considered himself without a rival till Giotto appeared."

Mr. Fuseli has corrected the date of Masaccio's birth, and has consequently suppressed the secondhand astonishment of Pilkington, at the premature" genius, judgment, talent, and execution," of a man who died at the age of twenty-six. The real ground of admiration was the liveliness with which he imitated nature. His skill in perspective has been commended by Vasari. The present editor has given, in the room of what he has omitted, a short note of his own. It furnishes a compendious but comprehensive character of a painter, who was accounted the chief of the second age, and therefore forms an important link in the chain of modern art.

ANN. REV. VOL. IV.

"Masaccio was a genius and the head of an epoch in the art. Ile may be considered as the precursor of Raphael, who imitated his principles, and sometimes transcribed his figures. He had seen what could be seen of the antique, at his time, at Rome, but his most perfect work are the frescos of S. Pietro al Carmine at Florence; where vigour of conception, truth and vivacity of expression, correctness of design and breadth of inanner, are supported by truth and surprising harfhony of colour."

The manner in which Raphael struggled from his rude essays under the guidance of Pietro Pemgino, till he reached the triumphant height of his later and immortal compositions, is well described in Pilkington's article. But Mr. Fuseli's note is so characteristic and discriminative, as to throw the criticisms of his predecessor altogether into the shade. He does not seem to allow Raphael those qualities which would have entitled him to the appellation of "divine," in the literal sense of the word. He tells us, and with apparent truth, that "the painter of humanity not often wielded with success superhuman weapons. His gods never rose above prophetic or patriarchal forms. The softness of his airs, so attractive to common observers, is censured on the score of defective character. Roundness, mildness, sanctimony, and insipidity, compose in general tho features and airs of his Madonnas, transcripts of the nursery, or some favourite face." But the felicity and propriety of his judgment, in the dramatic department of his art, whether we consider it in respect to his "invention in the choice of the moment, his composition in the arrangement of the actors, or his expression in the delineation of their emotions," the critic considers as unrivalled. The connoisseur, and the untutored gazer, will join in their assent to the following panegyric on his Magdalens, and other characters of conflicting passion.

"The character of Mary Magdalen met his, it was the character of a passion. It is evident from every picture or design, at every period of his art, in which she had a part, that he supposed her enamoured. When she follows the body of the Saviour to the tomb, or throws herself dishevelled over his feet, or addresses hina when he bears his cross, the cast of her features, her mode, her action, are the Kk