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the two or three satires, which we may suppose to have been writ ten before his introduction to Mecenas, sufficient to found this poetic reputation? Tha some of the epodes belong to this early part of bis poetical carcer, I have no doubt; the whole adventure with Canidia (that one of his poetical intrigues which has a groundwork at least of reality) belongs to a period of his life when he was loose, as it were, upon the world, without an ascertained position in society, ansettled in habits, and to a certain degree in opinions. Nor does here appear to me any difficulty in the supposition that some of the des, which bear the expression of youthful feelings and passions, However collected afterward, and published in books, may have been mong the coapositions which were communicated to his friends, and opened to him the society of men of letters and the patronage of the great.

Nine months elapsed between the first cold rec'ion of Horace by Mæcenas and his advances to nearer friendship.

Mæcenas, though still engaged in public affairs, and though he had not yet built his splendid palace on the Esquiline, had neverthe less begun to collect around him all the men either eminent, or who promised to become eminent, in arts and letters. The friendship with Horace grew up rapidly into close intimacy. In the following year Horace accompanied him on his journey to Brundisium; to which Maecenas proceeded, though on a political negotiation of the utmost importance (the reconciliation of Antony and Octavianus), as on a party of pleasure, environed by the wits and poets who had begun to form his ordinary circle.

The mutual amity of all the great men of letters in this period gives a singularly pleasing picture of the society which was harnonized and kept together by the example and influence of Mæcevas. Between Virgil, Plotius, Varius, &nd Horace, between Horace and Tibullus, there was not merely no vulgar jealousy, no jarring rivalry, but the most frank mutual admiration. If an epigram of

Martial be not a mere fancy of the poet, Virgil carried his delicacy so far that he would not trespass on the poetic provinces which seemed to belong to his friends. Though he might have surpassed Varius in tragedy, and Horace in lyric poet. y, he would not attempt either, lest he should obscure their fame."

1. The most untenable part of the Bentleian chronology, which, however, as far as the publication of the separate books, is no doubt true, is his peremptory as sertion that Horace employed himself only on one kind of poetry at a time; that he wrote all the satires, then the epodes, then the three books of odes. Dr. Tato the faithful and unshaken disciple of Bentley, quoting the lines,

"Neque, si quis scribat, uti nos,

Sermoni propiora, putes hunc esse poctam,"

does not scruple to assert that Horace, Sat. i., 4, "says, as plainly as a man can say it, that he had not then written any thing which could entitle him to the nam of a poet;" therefore, no single ode. "But Horace," as has been well observed 'uses language much like this in his epistles (Epist. ii., 1 25), &c.), written aftoi ll his odes."--Dyer, in Class. Museum, No. V, p. 215, &c

Martial, Fpig. viii.. 18.

In the enjoyment of this society Horace completed the earliest ví his works which has reached posterity (if, indeed, we have 2 VÍ whole published works), the first book of satires.'

CHAPTER III.

SATIRI POETRY-ITS ORIGIN-THE COMEDY OF ROME-VATE OF SOCIETY-SABINE FARM-CHRONOLOGY OF THE BOOKS OF BATIKE -PODES-DATE OF COMPOSITION-OF COMPLETION.

THE satiric style of poetry was admirably suited to this way o iving. It was the highest order of the poetry of society. It wil bear the same definition as the best conversation-good sense and wit in equal proportions. Like good conversation, it dwells enough on one topic to allow us to bear something away, while it is so des ultory as to minister perpetual variety. It starts from some subject of interest or importance, but does not adhere to it with rigid pertinacity. The satire of Horace allowed ample scope to follow out any train of thought which it might suggest, but never to prolixity It was serious and gay, grave and light; it admitted the most solemn and important questions of philosophy, of manners, of Literature, but touched them in an easy and unaffected tone; it was full of point and sharp allusions to the characters of the day; it in troduced in the most graceful manner the follies. the affectations, even the vices of the times, but there was nothing stern, or savage, or malignant in its tone; we rise from the perusal with the convic. tion that Horace, if not the most urbane and engaging (not the perfect Christian gentleman), must have been the most sensible and de. lightful person who could be encountered in Roman society. There is no broad buffoonery to set the table in a roar; no elaborate and exhausting wit, which turns the pleasure of listening into a fatigue; fit trespasses occasionally beyond the nicety and propriety of mod ern manners, it may fairly plead the coarseness of the times, and the wart of efficient female control, which is the only true chastener of

1. Even on the publication of the satires, odes, and epistles in separate books, there are more difficulties than at first sight appear in the chronology of Bentley. Several of the satires in the first, but especially the fourth, show that Horace had already made enemies by his satiric poetry. Horace was averse to the fashion of reciting poems in public, which had been introduced by Asinius Pollio, and complains that his own were read by few:

"Cum mea nemo

Scripta legat, vulgo recitare timentis."

Compare line 73, et seqq. public baths.

Some recited their works in the forum, some in the

No doubt he is in jest in this comparison between his poems and those of his rivals Crispinus and Fannius: but it seems to imply that his poems were already, some way or other, exposed to popular approbation or neglect. Our notion of publication, the striking off at once a whole edition, probably misleads us. Before the invention of printing, each poem must have been copied and recopied sepa rately perhaps they may not have been exposed for sale till made up in books.

conversation, but which can only command respect where the fe males themselves deserve it.

The satiric form of poetry was not original; there was something like it in the Silli of the Greeks, and Lucilius had already introduced this style of writing into Rome with great success. The obligations of Horace to Lucilius it is impossible fairly to estimate from the few and broken passages of that writer which have survived. Horace can hardly be suspected of unworthy jealousy in the character whick e gives of his predecessor in the art. Notwithstanding Quintilian'a atement that there were some even in his own day who still preferred the old satirist, not merely to all poets of his class, but ever every other Roman poet, there can be no doubt that Lucilius was rude, harsh, and inharmonious; and it is exactly this style of poetry which requires ease, and that unstudied idiomatic perspicuity of lan guage, that careless, as it may seem, but still skillful construction of verse which delights the ear at the same time that it is widely different from the stately march of the Virgilian hexameter, or the smooth regularity of the elegiac poets. It is so near akin to prose as to require great art to keep up the indispensable distinction from it The poetry of Horace was the comedy of an untheatrical people If the Romans had been originally a theatrical people, there would have been a Roman drama. Their prætextate were but Greek dramas on Roman subjects. The national character of the people was, doubtless, the chief cause of the want of encouragement to the drama, but we may go still further. The true sphere of the drama seems to be a small city, like Athens (we reckon its size by its free population), London in the time of Elizabeth and James, Paris in that of Louis XIV., or Weimar at the close of the last century. these cities, either all orders delight in living in public, or there is a large and predominant aristocracy, or a court which represents of leads the public taste. Rome was too populous to crowd into a thea tre, where the legitimate drama could be effectively performed. The people required at least a Colosseum; and directly, as elsewhere, their theatres rivalled their amphitheatres, the art was gone. So ciety, too, in Rome, was in a state of transition from the public spec tacle to the private banquet or entertainment; and as our own present mode of living requires the novel instead of the play, affords a hundred readers of a book to ore spectator of a theatrical perform. ance, so Roman comedy receded from the theatre, in which she had never been naturalized, and concentrated her art and her observation on human life and manners in the poem, which was recited to the private circle of friends, or published for the general amusement of the whole society.

In

Lucilius, as Horace himself says, aspired to be in Rome whe Eupolis, Cratinus, and Aristophanes had been in Athens (Sat. i., 5, 1, seqq.); and more than Cæcilius, Plautus, and Terence, excellen as the two latter at least appear to us, were at Rome.

'The tone of society, of which Horace is the representative, was

that into which Rome, weary and worn out with civil contests, w delighted to collapse. The peace of the capita was no more dis turbed; though the foreign disturbances in Spair and on the other frontiers of the empire, the wars with the sons of Pompey, and, final. ly, with Antony in the East, distracted the remoter world, Rome quietly subsided into the pursuits of peace. It was the policy no lesa than the inclination of Augustus and his true friends to soften, to amuse, to introduce all the arts, and tastes, and fecungs which could aduce forgetfulness of the more stirring excitements of the rostra and the senate; to awaken the song of the poet, that the agitating eloquence of the orator might cause less regret; to spread the couch of luxury, of elegant amusement, and of lettered ease, on which Rome might slumber away the remembrance of her departed liberties. Agrippa and Augustus himself may be considered as taking charge of the public amusements, erecting theatres, and a lorning the city with magnificent buildings of every description, transmuting the Rome of brick into the Rome of marble; exhibiting the most gor. geous shows and spectacles; distributing sumptuous largesses; and compensating, by every kind of distraction and diversion, for the privation of those more serious political occupations in the forum or at the comitia, which were either abolished by the constitution, or had languished into regular and unexciting formalities. Mæcenas, in the mean time, was winning, if not to the party, or to personal attachment toward Augustus, at least to contented acquiescerce in his sovereignty, those who would yield to the silken charms of socia enjoyment. Though in the Roman mansion or Baian villa, as alterward in the palace on the Esquiline, no test of opinion might be demanded, and no severe or tyrannous restriction be placed on the ease and freedom of conversation, republican sentiments, or expressions of dissatisfaction at the state of public affairs, would be so out of place at the hospitable banquets of Mecenas as to be proscribed by the common laws of courtesy or urbanity. Men's minds would be gradually reconciled to the suppression, if not to forgetfulness er abandonment, of such thoughts and feelings; they were gradually Laught how agreeably they might live under a despotism.

Horace was not the only republican, nor the only intimate friend Brutus, who took refuge in letters:

"Hæc est

Vita solutorum misera ambitione gravique."

He excused himself from the hopelessness of the cause, of which he still cherished some generous reminiscences. He still occasionally betrayed old associations, as in his flashes of admiration at the un

1. The pantomimes had begun to supersede the regular drama. 1 ylades was ex pelted by a faction, but recalled from exile by Augustus. In a dispute with Bathyl lus, who was patronized by Macenas, Pylades cried out, "It is well for you, Ca sar, that the people trouble themselves so much about us, the less, therefore, about you." Dio Cass., liv., 17. See, on the pantomimes of the Romans, an excley dissertation by E. J. Grysar, Rheinisches Museum. 1834

broken spirit and nobe death of Cato; yet, nevertheless, he gradua). ly softened into the friend of the emperor's favorite, and at length into the poetical courtier of the emperor himself. Horace, indeed. asserted and maintained greater independence of personal character than most subjects of the new empire; there is a tone of dignity and self-respect even in the most adulatory passages of his writings,

Between the publication of the two books of satires, Horace e. ceived from Mæcenas the gift of the Sabine farm, the only produc ive property which he ever possessed, and on which he lived in mod. erate contentment. Nothing could be more appropriate than this gift, which may have been softened off, as it were, as a compensa tion or his confiscated personal estate; the act of generosity may have recommended itself as an act of justice. Virgil had recovered his own native fields, but the estate of Horace had no doubt been irrevocably granted away. The Sabine farm had the recommenda tion of being situated in a country as romantic, nearer to Rome, and at no great distance from the scenes in which Horace delighted be yond all others in Italy.

The Sabine farm of Horace was situated in a deep and romantic valley about fifteen miles from Tibur (Tivoli). The description of the farm, its aspect, situation, and climate, exactly correspond with the valley of Licenza, into which modern Italian pronunciation has nolted the hard Digentia. The site, with some ruins of buildings, was first discovered, and discussed at length by Capmartin de Chaupy, in his "Maison de Campagne d'Horace." It has since been visited by other antiquarians and scholars, who have found almost every name mentioned by the poet still clinging to the mount. ains and villages of the neighborhood.

The estate was not extensive; it produced corn, olives, and vines; it was surrounded by pleasant and shady woods, and with abundance of the purest water; it was superintended by a bailiff (villicus), and cultivated by five families of free coloni (Epist. i., 14, 3); and Horace employed about eight slaves (Sat. ii., 7, 118).

To the munificence of Mæcenas we owe that peculiar charm of De Horatian poetry that it represents both the town and country life of the Romans in that age; the country life, not only in the rich and luxurious villa of the wealthy at Tivoli or at Baiæ, but in the secluded retreat and among the simple manners of the peasantry. It might seem as if the wholesome air which the poet breathed during his retirement on his farm reinvigorated his natural manliness of mind There, notwithstanding his love of convivial enjoyment in the palace of Mæcenas and other wealthy friends, he delighted to revert to his own sober and frugal mode of living. Probably at a later period of ife he indulged himself in a villa at Tivoli, which he loved for its mild winter and long spring; and all the later years of his life were jassed between these two country residences and Rome.

For Tibur, see Carr. '., 7, 10-14; ii., 6, 5-8; id., 4, 21-21; iv., 2, 27-31 ·. id., s. 0-12: Epod i.. 29. 30; Epist. i. 7. 44-5; 8, 12.

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