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structions in the navigation of the river Passaic, and of Newark bay, in the State of New Jersey.

Resolved, That the Committee on Commerce be instructed to inquire into the expediency of making an appropriation for the removal of the obstructions in the navigation of the sound or kill Van Kull, and in the Raritan, or Prince's bay, between the port of Perth Amboy, in the State of New Jersey, and the port of New York, in the State of New York, mentioned in the report of Captains Kearney, John D. Sloat, and M. C. Perry, to the Secretary of the Navy, dated December 9, 1837.

FINANCES OF THE COUNTRY.

The resolution submitted by Mr. WRIGHT on Monday last, to refer so much of the President's message as relates to the finances of the country to the Committee on Finance, which had been postponed on the motion of Mr. WEBSTER, coming up for consideration,

Mr.WERSTER, pursuant to his intimation on Monday, when the reference of so much of the President's message as relates to the finances of the country to the Finance Committee was postponed until Wednesday, rose to state his views on that subject. He said, though he was induced to make some remarks on the President's message, especially at this early period of the session, he had no wish to bring on a prolonged and angry or exciting discussion on topics which the message contained; but, as the message of the President, which had been laid before them, contained an elaborate and plausible defence of the whole course of the Administration on the subject of the finances and the currency of the country-as it dealt with the topics of banks and banking excesses, of trade and commerce and speculation, with State debts, and the dangers to be apprehended from that source, and the Sub-Treasury, or the Independent Treasury, as it was sometimes called, he wished to make a few observations. But he proposed, on the present occasion, to deal with some of these topics. So far as they may be supposed to affect the merits and character of the Administration, they had, as he understood it, been passed upon by the country, and he had now no disposition to reargue them, or any of them; nor did he wish to enter into an inquiry as to what might be supposed to be approved or disapproved by the result of the election which they had so recently witnessed, for his purpose, especially on the present occasion; it was enough for him that it was the disposition of the country to change the Administration. All he proposed to do was to make some remarks on that part of the message respecting the finances of the country, and to speak of the present state of things in regard to that important branch of the public service with no recurrence to the past, with no speculation for the future; yet he supposed a proper forecast, a proper disposition to provide for what is before us, in all questions in relation to the revenue and finances of the country, connected itself with all inquiries and observations of that sort. Now, with this view, he wished to make a few remarks upon the message, and it seemed necessary to premise them with a few preliminary observations; but they should be very short.

Now it appeared to him that an unfounded impression, an erroneous sentiment, both as to matters of opinion and of fact, might be communicated to the people by the message before them. In this point of view he wished to make a remark on what it contained, or on part of what it contained. On the eighth page of the message, which represents that the great distinctive prinelples or differences characterizing public men in this country, is that some have had a constant objection, from the foundation of our Government, to make and maintain a public debt, and that others had had a contrary object. Now this was an unfounded imputation on those who in past time had administered the Government of this country. He says:

"I have deemed this brief summary of our fiscal affairs necessary to the due performance of a duty specially enjoined upon me by the Constitution. It will serve, also, to illustrate more fully the principles by which I have been guided in reference to two contested points in our public policy, which were earliest in their development, and have been

more important in their consequences, than any that have arisen under cur complicated and difficult, yet admirable, system of Government: I allude to a national debt, and a national bank. It was in these that the political contests by which the country has been agitated ever since the adoption of the Constitution, in a great measure, originated; and there is too much reason to apprehend that the conflicting interests and opposing principles thus marshalled, will continue, as heretofore, to produce similar, if not aggravated, consequences."

About a National Bank he (Mr. W.) would say nothing at present, but there they were officially told that what had been, and what was likely to be, the great contested question in this country, was whether there shall or shall not be a national debt. Now he submitted to the good sense and candor of that body, whether any party ever did exist, or does now exist, to whom it could be fairly imputed as an object per se, as a thing desirable, to create a national debt. Since the Declaration of our Independence, in all time past, what was Our history? The first national debt was contracted in Holland during the war, by John Adams. Did any man doubt the propriety of that, in the then circumstances of the country? Was there any Senator that doubted the propriety of obtaining that loan? Then, again, there was the debt contracted for the pay due to the Revolutionary army after our Government was established, by the Continental Congress: there were also the debts contract. ed during the progress of the war, by the States, for carrying on the war; and provision was made to pay these debts, because they were debts contracted in the progress of the Revolution. Could any man oppose that, or say there was any thing usreasonable or improvident in obtaining loans to enable the Government to carry on the late war with Great Britain? Now contrast one party with another in the history of our Government, and he could not but think it singularly unfortunate that so much of what looks like imputation should be contained in this message which comes from the head of an Administration, which Administration, so far as he knew, was the first that ever existed under this Government, that had begun a national debt in a time of profound peace.

But to proceed to the actual state of the finances of the country. The message, though it does not call the obligations of the country a permanent debt, while speaking in earnest terms against the commencement of a public debt, doss admit out. standing Treasury notes, bearing interest, to the amount of four and a half millions of dollars; and he thought, connected with this, there were other important and leading truths, very useful to be considered by those who would judge wisely, and who would look to the future providently in regard to the finances of the country. And the first truth, in point of importance, he thought, was that, for some years past, the expenditures of the Governmeut had greatly exceeded the income of the Government. He was not then about to argue the question whether the expenditures of the Government had been extravagant or not; whether they had been reasonable or unreasonable. He looked at the subject in a financial point of view, and he there s'ated that their experience of the result of the administration of the Government and the action of Congress for the last four years, showed that the expenditures of the Government exceeded, at the rate of at least seven millions of dollars a year, the income of the Government; and this might be easily demonstrated. They knew that from the commencement of January, 1837, there was in the Treasury, reserved by the deposite act, six millions of dollars. The intention was to reserve five millions, but the Secretary of the Treasury made his computation somewhat in advance-he, therefore, did not ascertain exactly what would be in, and it turned out that there was something about six millions of dollars in the Treasury about the 1st of January, 1837. Then events occurred which led Congress, in September of 1837, to pass a law to repeal or qualify the law of June, called the depo. site act, to retain or bring back to the Treasury the fourth instalment of the deposites to the States, amounting to nine millions of dollars. They also

found, by a communication now before them, that the amount of stock belonging to the United States in the Bank of the United States, and for which bonds were given to the Treasury by the President of the Bank of the United States of Pennsylvania, and which bonds have been since paid, was eight millions of dollars, which from that source had been received into the Treasury. Now these were pre-existing funds, some of which had accrued to Government since January, 1837; and they might add the sums he had already mentioned, as being now outstanding on Treasury notes bearing inte rest, and thus make an aggregate of twenty-seven and a half millions of dollars expended in the course of these three and a half or four years, excepting, of course, what may remain in the Treasury at the end of that term. That, then, was nearly at the rate of eight millions of dollars per annum expended beyond the income; and what a condition of things was that. Suppose it should go on by the succeeding Administration, or suppose it should have continued to go on by the present, if it had remained in power; did not every body see a great and vast debt immediately before them? But is this all-is this all? He was inclined to think that in one respect it was not all; he was inclined to think that the Treasury had not duly distinguished, in one important branch of its administration, what may be called Treasury funds, or United States funds proper, and trust fund set apart by treaties by precise treaty stipulations, for the benefit of certain Indian tribes. He thought the Treasury had taken to its own account, as an income of Government, what did properly belong to another account; what did properly belong to a trust fund, which Government had stipulated by treaties to invest in stock, sometimes under its own guarantee, for the benefit of Indian tribes. This made it necessary to look a little into the trust fund provided for the Indians by certain treaties, for at least there were several of them. He should recur to one or two of the most important, and simply state how matters stand by the evidence contained in documents communi. cated to Congress. Now, by recurring to official reports from the Departments to Congress, they found there was invested in State stocks, for va rious tribes, from the year 1833 to the year 1837, by the War Department, the sum of $1,820,763 16. Now he did not complain of this investment. He observed that there a premium paid on these stocks of $47,441 76; but he observed that Indiana, Kentucky, and New York stocks were purchased at a discount of half per cent. Alabama and Arkansas stocks were purchased at par; Missouri stock was purchased at 3 44-100 premium; Maryland stock at from 3 to 15 premium; and Michigan stock at 8 per cent. premium. Now, he supposed was very probable that the difference in these rates might arise from the difference in the rate of interest, for some of them were at 5 per cent. and some at six. He saw that New York were at five, and he blieved Maryland were at six.

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They found, also, that there was invested in State stocks up to April 11th, 1838, for the Chickasaws, by the Treasury Department, the sum of $1,994,141 03 The premium paid for these stocks was $34,537 51. The United States received from this tribe from the sales of their lands, to 1st January, 1838, $2,498,000 06; stock and premium $2,028,678 54; leaving uninves'ed $369,321 52, which, Mr. Woodbury says, "has become mixed up in the general fund" of the United States. It may be, for he thought he had somewhere heard that $94,000 more had been invest d. He believed the treaties with the Indians stipulated that the proceeds of their lands, of whatsoever amount, should be invested in permanent stock, bearing interest of not less than 5 per cent. and to be perpetually held for the use of the Indians. Now it appeared that instead of keeping a separate account of this trust fund, the proceeds of these sales were all passed in the general receipts and accounts of the Treasury; and that expended in the purchase of stock, for the purpose of this investment, was charged on the other side of the account. This is a matter of account, and of bookkeeping, which may or may not be thought correct; he should have supposed that it would have been

more just and proper to have kept a separate account of that trust fund, as every man who is a trustee, if he means to administer his trust accurately and properly, would do; but he sup. posed that was not a matter of paramount importance-it was a matter of acounts, and of bo k-keeping; but if these things be, as he gathered from these documents, there was this sum of between $300,060 and 400,000 not invested, which remained under the stipulations to be invested. And then as to the rate at which these sums or stocks were purchased by the Treasury Department. Alabama bonds purchased the 31st of March, 1836, were purchased at a premium of four and a half per cent.; other Alabama bonds purchased immediately afterwards, in the language of the Secretary's report, purchased at a premium of four per cent.; others the 7th of May, 1836, at three and a half per cent. premium; others purchased on the 29th of March, 1837, at one per cent. discount; Tennessee bonds wese purchased at par; Ohio bonds at above eleven per cent. advance; part of the Maryland bonds at three per cent. discount, and part at above fourteen per cent. advance. He did not see the time stated at which this last purchase of Maryland bonds was made. This was made by the Treasury Department, but then as to the others

Mr. WRIGHT inquired what documents the honorable Sena'or alluded to.

Mr. WEBSTER replied, Document 2, of 1839, and Document 4, of 1836. He then resumed: It would seem, then, that of the several treaties, the dates of which he found in the documents, and all he believed in 1837 and 1838, they had stipulated to invest the money promised to be paid for. land, in stocks-permanent stocks bearing interest, and some of them under their own guarantee. Here, then, the United States stood indebted to these Indian tribes the whole amount which they promised to give for the land of the Indians, which they had ceded to the United States and passed over under our land law, and a large portion of which he supposed had been disposed of-at any rate they had obtained the land and promised these tribes the sums contracted with them, and which they had promised to invest in permanent stock, but which they had not done; and instead of making appro priations at any time heretofore to buy this stock, the Treasury Department had contented itself with making such an appropriation as would defray the annual accruing interest that the United States was debtor to the tribes. Now the value for $2,580,100 had actually been furnished, and this was a debt to all intents and purposes and was to be added to whatever else of debt existed against the Government. He did not mean to say it was a debt that was to be paid to-morrow or the next day, but it was a debt which the Government was bound to provide fer in some reasonable time: it was a debt contracted in 1837 and '38, and Government was at this moment under the obligation to raise money and buy the stock and hold it for the use of thel ndians. Large quantities of the lands of eight tribes have been sold, and the money has been carried to the Treasury, and audited as national income to the United States, instead of being invested for the use of the tribes, leaving this heavy charge still to be borne by the Treasury. The balance of the proceeds of the sales of the lands of the Winnebagoes alone, amounts, as he understood the accounts, to $1,100,000. No part of this has been invested; the Treasury credits it as so much money received on general account, and leaves the means of raising the money to fulfil the treaty by buying the stocks, to the next Administration. Now, if this be so, there is another sum of $300,000, also, as he believed, due to the Scow of the Mississippi, under the treaty of September, 1837, which has not been invested, according to the stipulation of the treaty. And, if this too be so, the result of all this is, that, to the outstanding debt on account of Treasury notes in the first place, must be added this Indian debt, a proper provision for which ought, in all fairness, and in good faith, to be made in a reasonable time. And that there were other debts outstanding which must soon be provided for, be supposed noboby would doubt. There was the debt on account of public works and other contracts; there were unpaid expenses

growing out of the operations of the army in Florida, and Indian depredations on the Southern and Southwestern frontier, and he supposed that nobody doubted that these were to be provided for; and also other great amounts of unliquidated debts and claims, on account of which they might expect large demands. He understood, then, that there was a debt existing over this country in various shapes, some for borrowed money, some of which had grown out of stipulations by treaty,and some unliquidated demands growing out of a great variety of sources, amounting to a great amount, all of which was to be provided for. Now he agreed with all that was said in the message, of the great impolicy in a time of peace of commencing a public debt; but it did seem to him extraordinary and inappropriate to admonish others in that strain against commencing a public debt with these facts presented to their view, because he supposed nobody would act on that as a point of principle, but of expediency; and there was no difference as to the form of the existing debt, whether it assumed the shape of stock for a term of a few years, or Treasury notes renewable or expected to be renewed from time to time as they became due; or if there was a difference on the point of expediency, then he differed much from those who acted on the present system, as to which was the most expedient; for the Treasury note system was not the cheapest system to borrow money. Now this existence of a debt was as old as the Administration itself; this Treasury note debt began when the Administration began. From the first session, called in September, and from the date of the first bill authorizing the issue of Treasury notes, in September, 1837, down to the present time, there has been no moment when the Government has not been in debt for borrowed money; and if he understood either the message or the report of the Secretary to the Treasury, it is not now expect. ed that this debt can be paid, if then, earlier than March, 1842; because, if he understood the recommendation of the Secretary of the Treasury— whatever soft words be used-the sum and sub. stance of it was, there must be a new issue of Treasury notes, to enable the Government to be free from embarrassment this time next year. Now he must confess that he thought the scope and tendency of the remarks in the message, in this parti. cular, go to produce an erroneous impression in the public mind. Here were a series of strong observations run out throughout many pages a ainst a public debt-against the commencement of a public debt; and reasons were given to show that when a national debt was once commenced, its inevitable tendency was to increase in magnitude. All this might be very true of the debt already begun and existing now, and under such circumstances of the country as may induce the fear that it may soon be a large one. But what was to be the result of this impression? They knew there were large outstanding items to be charged-they knew there were these sums, which they would be called upon to pay under the Indian stipulations; and there were others which would not be brought together, and presented in the aggregate as a charge on the Government, for some months to come. Was it intended then to forestall public opinion, and out of what will appear, when collected and summed up hereafter, to be a large public debt, composed of charges for which the existing Government is liable, to make it stand as a public debt to the account of the Government posterior to the 4th of March, 1841? He hoped there was no such intentien; he did not impute such intention; but he said the scope and tendency, the general drift of the message was that way. But so far as he was concerned, he should take special and good care to prevent such a result. He should recommend, undoubtedly, that a new set of books be opened-that there should be what merchants call a "rest"that what had been contracted and stipulated, and what had been collected-what had been received and expended to March, 1841, should stand against each other; and after that period that the balance, if favorable, should be called the sum accumulated by the providence of the Administration, and should be passed to its credit; but if the result were otherwise, and there were a debt, then, in all

fairness, the Administration should still stand on i's merits, and the debt should be denominated the debt of 1841, whether it stood in Treasury notes, or in any other shape, making it the duty of Government to provide for it.

In one or two other respects he thought the message was calculated to produce quite an erroneous impression. It would be found stated on the fifth page, in as mitigating a phrase as can be,-or, perhaps, he should say mit gated,-that this outstanding debt of four and a half millions of dollars is not vet dae. Why, they all knew that; but then again it is said that this four and a half millions, after all, does not amount to so much, by twentythree millions, as the United States have in deposite with the States. Now he asked the Senate, and if he could he would ask the President himself, whether he meant to recommend Congress to withdraw that deposite from the States, or part of it, to meet this outstanding debt, and as a fund out of which he meant to recommend the discharge of any charge on the Treasury? He (Mr. WEBSTER) found no recommendation of such course; why then the connection? The four and a half m llions, says the President, is less, by twenty-three millions, than the sum which the United States have in deposite with the States. There is nothing in that remark, unless he meant to refer to that as a fund out of which the four and a half millions were to be paid. Why put them together unless he means the deposites as a fund out of which the four and a half millions are to be paid; and if he means to intimate that, does he recommend it? The Secretary of the Treasury, too, treats this sum in deposite with the States in the same way; he speaks of it as money in the Treasury. Look at his report, and at the tables in his report. Why, he makes out a statement which includes the 28,000,000 in deposi'e to the States. Now, what can be the use of that form in the Treasury accounts? When an officer of a Department of the Government makes out his accounts, and presents a statement of the condition of the Treasury, and the means of the Treasury, he (Mr. WEBSTER) supposed he would confine himself to a statement of the sums already in the Treasury, or likely to accrue to the Treasury under existing laws. But this sum of twenty-eight millions, which had passed to the States under the law of 1836, no more could go to the Treasury than any other sum in the hands of the States. He (the Secretary of the Treasury) knew it could not-he knew an act of Congress was as necessary to produce that fund as to produce direct taxes, or the receipts of the custom-house. This was not under the power of the Treasury to use it for its own purposes, than as directed by law. What was the purpose, then-for purpose he presumed there must be-in presenting this twenty three millions as a fund of the Treasury, as though the Treasury Department could exercise power over it? For what purpose was this sum mentioned in a statement, made to ascertain what the Government owes, and the means of payment, or part payment? Was this referred to as a means of payment, unless it was meant to say that Congress may pass.a law for its recali? Until that was done, it was well known that it was no more available to the Treasury than were new duties at the custom-house before a law was passed for their collection; and it could not be made to defray any charge on the Government, until Congress exercised this power. He did hopehe had desired for years to see, and he hoped he one day should see, a mode of stating these Treasury accounts, giving the plain facts and statements, and leaving much less to guesses about the future, and much less-he would not say attempts to conceal and mystify-but of forms and phrases, the result of which was to mystify.

Again: though the Secretary pretty clearly intimates that there must be a present or immediate resort to Treasury notes, the result of his deliberations is, that if Congress wish to avoid the neces sity of either a resort to the custom-house or of new loans, he has a remedy in reserve; and that is to reduce the expenditures of the Government below the estimates-below his own estimates! Why this was pretty much like a case which happened last year, when they were told that the estimates

had been reduced to the lowest possible scale, and yet that they had kept within that scale.

But there was another remark on the sixth page of the message, which he thought deserved a passing notice. The President says, to accomplish the great object of keeping the expenditures within the income, two things are indispensable: "First, that the action of the Federal Government be kept within the boundaries peescribed by its founders." Well, now he supposed that this duty of keeping the action of the Federal Government within the bounds of the Constitution, was an absolute duty; not of terms and circumstances, and conditions, but always peremptory-always mandatory. What was the inference to be drawn? If they wished to keep down the expenditures, and the Treasury was low-if they wished then to keep within the Constitution, what if it were full? Would they transcend the Constitution? There was no one limit to their duty in this respect, whether the Treasury were full or empty, they were not to be tempted to exceed the bounds if the Treasury were full-they were not to e deterred from coming up to it by an empty Treasury.

Again, there was another important omission, as it struck him, in the message, to which he wished to call attention. The President says that, in addition to a decrease in the revenue, "two and a half millions of duties have been relinquished by two biennial reductions under the act of 1833." Be it so; but did the President-did they not all know that there was before them, within a year, a much greater relinquishment-if that was the proper phrase of duties, and, within a year and a half, a still greater, and last? Did they not see, therefore, from the existence of the debt already contracted, in some form or another, against the Government, and from these certain reductions of duties-if the law should remain unaltered, and nothing should be done about it-did they not see that a case was before the country which would require all the wis dom of Congress, and some effort, to enable it to discharge a good deal of its obligations? But he saw no recommendation of any increase of duties on articles of luxury, such as silks and wines, nor any proposition in any other way made to provide for these demands on the Treasury now before them, and some of them near at hand. Here, then, the result of the whole is, that the President's experience for the four years of his administration has shown him that the revenues of the Government are not adequate to its expenditures-his experience has shown him the necessity of expending seven millions a year beyond the income; that the country is running right into the jaws of debt, and that there is no prospect of increasing the revenue whatever, no means of reduction pointed out, and yet the message contains an earnest, an ardent, and a general admonition not to create a public debt. Now he (Mr. WEBSTER) knew not, of course, what was expected to be done to meet the contingencies which must arise, as the Secretary says, in the first quarter of the next year, but he supposed the suggestion would be followed, authorizing the emission of Treasury notes. He (Mr. WEBSTER) would much have preferred, himself, that other provision should have been made; especially, as he had often said to the Senate, that a tax should be laid on French silks and French wines; but, if nothing of this sort were done, the time was coming when provision must be made from another source. He hoped these liabilities would be provided for fairly and fully during this session of Congress; be, for one, should deprecate, as very inconvenient and expensive, the being driven to an extra session of Congress, and he hoped those having the power at this time would make such reasonable provision as that that necessity would be obviated.

Mr. WRIGHT said there was a single topic touched by the Senator from Massachusetts, and but one, on which he desired further information before be attempted the reply which his remarks called for. If it was perfecily agreeable to the Senator, therefore, he wished that the further consideration of the subject might the postponed until tomorrow. If, however, it was the pleasure of the Senate to take the vote to-day, he would proceed with his remarks.

Mr. WEBSTER and the Senate generally acquiesced in the postponement.

On motion of Mr. CALHOUN,
The Senate adjourned.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
WEDNESDAY, December 16, 1840.
After the journal had been read,

Mr. ADAMS asked the consent of the House to permit him to cal! up for consideration the following resolution, submitted by him on last evening, and on which, owing to a simultaneous motion to adjourn, no action was had:

Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be communicated to this House, so far as may be compatible with the public interest, copies of all documents in the Department of State, showing the origin of any political relations between the United States and the empire of China-the first appointment of a consul to reside at or near Canton-whether such consul, or any other subsequently appointed, has ever been received or recognised in that capacity, and the present relations between the Government of the United States and that of the Celestial Empire.

Objection being made, the resolution was not considered.

Petitions and memorials were then presented by Messrs. EVANS, RANDALL, PARRIS, and CLIFFORD, of Maine.

Messrs. EASTMAN and ATHERTON, of New Hampshire.

[Mr. ATHERTON presented the petition of Richard Perry for a pension; referred to Committee on Invalid Pensions.]

Messrs. WINTHROP, PARMENTER, LIN. COLN, ADAMS, CUSHING, and BAKER, of Massachusetts.

Messrs. TILLINGHAST and CRANSTON, of Rhode Island.

Messrs. SMITH, BOARDMAN, and TRUMBULL, of Connecticut.

Mr. SMITH, of Vermont.

[Mr. SMITH presented the petition of Dr. Hall; referred to Committee of Claims: the petition of T. W. Gebbs and others for an alteration of mail route; referred to the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads: the petition of A. B. Haswell in behalf of himself and others, heirs of Anthony Haswell, praying that the fine and costs which was paid by him after conviction on an indictment under the sedition law, be paid to them; referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.]

Messrs. FILLMORE, CURTIS, GRANGER, BARNARD, ELY, HOFFMAN, WAGNER, BREWSTER, MALLORY, RUSSELL, GRINNELL, MONROE, PRENTISS, PECK, and STRONG, of New York.

[Mr. PRENTISS presented the petition of Rufus Henry, of the city of New York, who was an Artificer in the service during the late war with Great Britain, praying to be placed on the list of invalid pensioners. Of Ruth Taylor, widow of Samuel Taylor, a Revolutionary pensionsr, and Dorothy Wolibur, widow of Abraham Wolibur, a Revolutionary pensioner, praying the benefits of the act of July, 1838.]

[Mr. P. J. WAGNER presented the petition of William J. Stilwell, praying for a pension for inventing in 1796 the "centre board" or "slip keel," now in common use in river and coasting vessels: referred to the Committee on Commerce.]

[Mr. STRONG presented the petition of sundry inhabitants of the county of Wayne, in the State of New York, for an appropriation for the improvement of the harbor at Pulteneyville on Lake Oatario; which was referred to the Committee on Com

merce.

[On motion of Mr. STRONG, the petition of Ebenezer Perce, for half pay as a soldier, from December, 1783, to May 1918, now on file, was referred to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.]

Messrs. MARCHAND, PAYNTER, HOOK, BEATTY, HENRY, and WAGENER, of Pennsylvania.

Messrs JOHNSON, DENNIS, and CARROLL, of Maryland.

Messrs. HOPKINS, TALIAFERRO, RIVES, and HUNTER, of Virginia.

[Mr. HOPKINS presented the petition of sundry citizens of Albemarle county, Va. praying for the establishment of a post route from Charlottesville to Harrisonburg; the petition of citizens of Nelson county, praying for the establishment of a post route from Mount Hovel to Staunton, in Augusta; memorial of A. Sammons, of Tennessee, praying Congress for relief as one of the securities of a defaulting postmaster; memorial of Asa and Jabez L. White, of Connecticut, praying to be released from their contract for carrying the United States mail; memorial of J. F. Caldwell, of Virginia, praying for relief under sundry contracts with the Post Office Department for the transportation of the United States mail; memorial of Edmund Ruffie, of Virginia, for equalizing the postage on newspapers, etc all referred to the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads.]

Messrs. DAWSON and COOPER, of Georgia. Mesers. ANDREWS, GREEN, and J. B. THOMPSON, of Kentucky.

Messrs. J. L. WILLIAMS, W. B. CAMPBELL, and C. H. WILLIAMS, of Tennessee. Mr. GOODE, of Ohio.

Messrs. RARIDEN, WICK, and DAVIS, of Indiana.

[Mr. DAVIS presented the petitions of C. de la Halilandiere, John Johnson, Sarah Leslie, James McCutcheon, Hannah Preble, John Wilson, and John M. Wilson; all of which were severally referred to the appropriate committees.]

Messrs. CASEY and REYNOLDS, of Illinois.

[Mr. REYNLCDS presented the petition of sundry citizens of Jackson county, Illinois, stating that a considerable quantity of low land in said county is inundated annually with the waters from the Mississippi and other streams, so that said land is entirely useless to the United S ates Government and the citizens. The water remaining stagnant, causes much sickness in the neighborhood. Much of said land has been in market for upwards of one fourth of a century. The petitioners pray a grant of said land to a company, to enable said company to reclaim the same, and thereby to render the neighborhood healthy. Said petition was referred to the Committee on the Public Lands.]

[Mr. CASEY presented the petition of Jeremiah Fields of Illinois, praying the correction of an erroneous land entry; which, on his motion, was referred to the Committee on the Public Lands. Also, the petition of John H. Murphy and Thos. McKibbin of Vermillion county, Illinois, praying relief in case of a mail contract: referred to the Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads.]

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi asked leave to offer a resolution directing the Committee on the Judiciary to inquire into the expediency of reporting a bill prohibiting the admission of the evidence of colored persons on trial by court martials. Objection being made, the resolution was not received.

Messrs. CRABBE, CHAPMAN, and DELLET, of Alabama.

Mr. MILLER, ofMissouri.
Mr. CROSS, of Arkansas.
Mr. DOTY, of Wiskonsin.

The several States having now been called,

The SPEAKER stated that the next business in order was the resolution of the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. ADAMS] calling for information information in respect to our

COMMERCIAL RELATIONS WITH CHINA.

The resolution having been again read, (sce above,)

Mr. ADAMS, after some remarks showing the importance of ascertaining what are the true po. litical and commercial relations between this Government and China, observed it was highly desirable in the present critical state of affairs with the latter country, that we should know whether our Consul had been recognised by it or not. He wished to know the exact footing on which we stand. Mr. A. in adverting to some documents presented at the last session, said he believed it appeared from one of them, that when our Consul was about to present a memorial from American citizens at Canton, he was directed by the authorities to palce the name of the Emperor of China two inches higher than the name of the President of

he United States. This he thought was the true ground of war now raging between Great Britain nd China-this placing the name "two inches gher"-this boasted superiority above every naLion on earth.

But, continued Mr. A. I hope to see the day when this boasted claim to superiority shall cease, and that at least the name of the President of the United States shall be written on a parallel line with hat of the head of the Celestial Empire. Mr. A. Said that in offering the resolution he was actuated by no motive but a desire for information as to what was passing between the United States and China at this time, and whether any officer, representing the interests of this country, had been reCognised by that power.

Mr. CUSHING was glad that his colleague had introduced the resolution calling for information on o important a subject. He thought, however, that information not less valuable might be obtained from the files of the Navy Department, and hoped an amendment would be accepted to embrace that Department. He therefore proposed to amend the resolution by adding "State or other Departments."

This amendment was accepted by Mr. ADAMS, and the resolution, as amended, was then adopted. Mr. DAVIS of Indiana moved to reconsider the vete by which, on yesterday, the bill introduced by Mr. HAND, for establishing a uniform rule of naturalization, was referred to the Judiciary Com

mittee.

At the suggestion of several members, Mr. D. consented that the motion should lie over until to

morrow.

Mr. LINCOLN submitted the following resolutions, which were agreed to:

Kesolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to report to this House, what "subordinate custom-house officers have been dispensed with within the period of two years" past, to which he refers in his late report on the state of the finances; and what had been the rate of compensation previously paid to these officers for their services. And, also, what additional number of custom-house oflicers have been appointed, or employed, within the same period, in the several collection districts in the United States, and at what rates of compensation, with the dates of their appointment and employment, respectively. Also, in what cases, and to what exleat, "the compensation of officers and light-house keepers has been reduced." And, also, in what Cases (if any) the compensation to any officers in his Department employed in the collection of the customs, or otherwise, has been increased. And that be present the required information in such tabular form as to exhibit the comparative number of officers, and the amount of their compensation in each collection district, at the commencement and close of the said period of two years next preceding the date of the said annual report on the finances, and also the relative cost of Collecting the revenue from customs to the amount revenue collected each of the last two years, Compared with the cost of collection and the mount collected annually since the 4th day of March, 1825. And that he also inform this House What officers "now employed in the collection of aties, whose further services, it has been believed, ould be safely dispensed with, in consequence of reduction of late years at the different places here they are stationed, may be discontinued, hose offices cannot be dispensed with without new gislation."

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be irected to inform this House under what superinndence the custom houses in New York and Bosrespectively, are being constructed; the numand names of the commissioners employed to perintend the construction of said custom-houses; time they have been so employed; and the comensation paid to each.

Mr. DELLET submitted the following resolu-
on, which was agreed to:
Resolved, That the Judiciary Committee be in
ructed to inquire into the expediency of extend-
the time for completing the census in those
tes or districts where the same has been pre-

vented by sickness, or other causes which the officers having that duty in charge could not control.

Mr. DELLET gave notice of his intention either to morrow, or on some subsequent day of the session, to ask leave to introduce

A bill to relinquish to Alabama the two per cent. fund reserved by the act of her admission into the Union, to be applied to the making of a road or roads leading to the State;

A bill for the relief of the Selma and Tennessee Railroad Company; and

A bili making appropriations for completing the improvements of the harbor of Mobile.

Mr. PETRIKIN submitted the following reso-. tion, which was agreed to:

Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to inquire into the expediency of reducing the fees and emoluments of district attorneys of the United States, or of directing such fees and emoluments beyond a limited amount to be paid into the Treasury.

Mr. CLIFFORD, on leave, introduced a bill to provide for the settlement of the claim of the State of Maine for the services of her militia; which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on Mili tary Affairs.

Mr. COOPER of Georgia submitted the following resolution, which was agreed to:

Resolved, That the Secretary of War communi cate to this House, at as early a day as may be convenient to the Department, a list of the reservations under the Creek treaty of March, 1832, which remain unsold, together with the valuations thereof, made under the authority of Governor Carroll, former agen', and the names of the persons making such valuations, the time at which the same were made, and the remarks of said valuations in each

case.

Resolved, That the Secretary of War report to this House what progress has been made in the set lement of the conflicting claims for Creek reservations betwixt J. C. Watson and Co. and other claimants; at which time a special commission was appointed to adjudicate the same; who is the person appointed; whether he has received his per diem pay; and at what rate since his appointment, and at what time his duties under said commission will probably be brought to a close.

Mr. CUSHING submitted the following, which was agreed to:

Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to inquire into the exped ency of making further provision by law for the trial of crimes in the district courts of the United States. Also, further provision for the institution of civil and admiralty powers in said courts.

Mr. TILLINGHAST called up for consideration the following resolution, submitted by him on the 10 h inst.

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury report to this House how far, and in what manner, the act passed at the last session, entitled "An act to provide for the collection, safekeeping, transfer, and disbursement of the public revenue," has been carried into execution; whether any buildings, additions to, or alterations in, buildings therein authorized or required, have been commenced; at what cost, or contracts therefor made, or orders therefor given, and the terms and conditions of such contracts and orders; what number of clerks, special agents, and other officers, agents, or servants, have been and now are employed under the provisions of said act, or for aid in carrying the same into effect, and where, and from what times, and at what compensations; whether each and every of the officers who are therein required to give bond have given bond, and the sum, suretes, and time of delivery of each bond; and who, if any, have not given bord; whether, in the collection, or keeping, or transfer, or disbursement of the public revenue, or any portion thereof, since said act has been in force, any bank has been resorted to; and, if so, what bank or banks, to what extent, and in what manner, and what propositions have been made, if any, to any bank therefor; and setting forth, also, in what specific manner, whether gold or silver, or notes or certificates, or other and what evidences of deposite or credit, all or any of the revenue has been

collected or actually passed from the hands of the person or persons from whom the same was due, to the hands of the officer or officers charged with the immediate collection thereof, since said act has been in force, distinguishing, as nearly as may be, how much has been so collected and paid in each specific matter or medium of payment; also, setting forth how, and in what places or offices, and under what actual and personal custody or keeping, all and any and each portion of the revenue, moneys, and assurances, or evidences of debt or obligation, have been kept during said time; and how and by what agencies and aid, and what forms and proce's, and on what terms, conditions, and cost of exchange or transfer, and in what specific matter, whether gold and silver, or notes or certificates, or other and what evi dences, all, and any portions thereof, have been in said time disbursed and transferred.

Mr. VANDERPOEL saw no benefit which could possibly be derived from the adoption of the resolution. All the effect it would have would be to furnish the clerks in the Treasury Department with employment for the whole winter. Without meaning any disrespect to the gentleman, he (Mr. V.) considered the resolution was offered in the inquisitorial spirit of a true Yankee, and was just what might have been expected from such a quarThe whole was supererogatory, and he did not believe the information, if obtained, would have the least influence on the gentleman in the vote he might give. He would repeat, that the information sought was unnecessary, and imposing a superfluous labor on the Department, and if it was now pressed, he would feel bound to vote against it.

ter.

Mr. TILLINGHAST advocated the resolution and contended that the information sought for was highly desirable. In the course of his remarks, Mr. T. alluded to the resolution recently introduced for the repeal of the Independent Treasury law, on which question, he urged, the recent elections of the whole body of Whigs had turned.

Mr. DUNCAN denied that the Whig elections had turned upon that principle. The law in question had not been made the issue. No pledge had been given by the Whigs, from their candidate for the Presidency downwards, for it was well known throughout the country that when interrogated as to his principles, he refused to give any answer whatever.

Mr. MORGAN thought the issue had been made at least in the district of Cincinnati, where the people had elected one Pendleton in the place of that gentleman.

Mr. DUNCAN said he denied it. It was not so, and he could maintain it.

The question being on the adoption of the resolution,

Mr. GAY BRAITH moved to lay it on the table.
Mr. TOLAND moved a call of the House
Mr. GALBRAITH then withdrew his motion.
Mr. BEATTY renewed it.

Mr. TOLAND persisted in his motion for a call of the House; and, on the question being put, there was no quorum.

On motion of Mr. HOPKINS,
The House then adjourned.

IN SENATE.

THURSDAY, December 17, 1840.

The PRESIDENT submitted a report from the Secretary of the Senate, in compliance with the provisions of the act of May 9, 1836, of the expenditures made from the contingent fund of the Senate for the year ending December 7, 1840; which was laid upon the table, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. HUBBARD presented a document in relation to the claim of Loomis and Gay; which was referred to the Committee on Claims.

Mr. YOUNG presented the memorial of Gurdon S. Hubbard and others; which was referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs.

On motion by Mr. KNIGHT, the petition of a number of merchants and navigators of Provdence, Rhode Island, now on file, was referred to the Committee on Commerce.

Mr. CLAY of Alabama presented the petition

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approved July 19, 1832; and the act supplemental thereto, approved March 2, 1833;

A bill to authorize the issue of a patent to the heirs or legal representatives of Francis Rivard, deceased;

A bill for the relief of Gregoire Sarpy, or his legal representatives;

A bill for the relief of the heirs of Miguel Eslava;

A bill for the relier of Sebastian Butcher;
A bill for the relief of Thomas P. Copes;

A bill for the relief of Joseph Bogy;

A bill confirming the claim of the heirs of Joseph Thompson, sr. deceased, to a certain tract of land in Missouri;

A bill for the relief of the representatives of Pierre Bonhomme;

A bill for the relief of Joshua Kennedy, assignee of Cornelius McCurtin; and

A bill to confirm to George Tucker, his heirs or assignees, a certain tract of land in Alabama.

These bills were severally read twice, and referred to the Committee on Private Land Claims.

Mr. DAVIS, in pursuance of previous notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill for the relief of the Plumb Island Bridge and Turnpike Company; which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on Commerce.

Mr. DAVIS gave notice that to-morrow he would ask leave to introduce the following bills: A bill for the relief of Joshua E. Nourse;

A bill to increase the compensation of certain officers of the revenue service; and

A bill for the relief of Thomas L. Winthrop and others, directors of an association called the New England Mississippi Land Company.

Mr. PRESTON presented the memorial of the executors of De Thomas Cooper, praying that a certain sum of money exacted as a fine under the sedition law may be refunded.

Mr. P. gave notice that to-morrow he would ask leave to bring in a bill for the relief of the gal representatives of Thomas Cooper, deceased, and A bill for the relief of Col. George Croghan. Mr. LINN gave notice that to-morrow he would ask leave to introduce a bill to establish a new land district in the State of Missouri.

Mr. PRENTISS, from the Committee on Pensions, to which was referred

A bill authorizing the payment of invalid pensions in certain cases;

A bill for the relief of L-muel White;

A bill for the relief of Margaret Barnes; and
A bill for the relief of David Waller;

reported the same without amendment.

Mr. P. also gave notice that to-morrow he would ask leave to introduce a bill for the relief of John McLoud.

Mr. WHITE, from the Committee on Pensions, to which the petition on the subject had been referred, reported a bill for the relief of Hannah Laighton; which was read, and ordered to a second reading

Mr. W. in pursuance of previous notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill for the relief of Mary Pretty man; which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on Pensions.

Mr. PIERCE, from the Committee on Pensions, to which was referred petitions on the subject, reported

A bill for the relief of Samuel Collins; and A bill for the relief of Joseph Bassett; which were severally read, and ordered to a second reading.

Mr. P. gave notice that to-morrow he would ask leave to introduce the following bills:

A bill for the relief of John S. Billings;

A bill for the relief of Samuel Crapin;

A bill for the relief of Mary Neal, widow of Samuel Neal;

A bill for the relief of Tyler Spafford;

A bill for the relief of Samuel Allen;

A bill for the relief of Mary Snow, widow of Jonas Snow;

A bill for the relief of Margaret Jamison, widow of Samuel Jamison;

A bill for the relief of William Rand; and

A bill for the relief of John McClanahan. Mr. P. in pursuance of previous notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce "a bill for the organization of a company of Sappers, Miners, and Pontoniers."

Mr. MERRICK, from the Committee on the District of Columbia, to which was referred memorials on the subject, reported a bill for the extension of the charters of the Banks of the District; which was read, and ordered to a second reading.

Mr. KING, in pursuance of previous notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill for the relief of the corporate authorities of the city of Mobile; which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Mr. MOUTON gave notice that to-morrow he would ask leave to introduce the following bills: A bill for the relief of George de Passau of Louisiana;

A bill for the relief of Charles Morgan of Lou. isiana;

A bill for the relief of Charles Morgan of Louisiana;

A bill to confirm claim to lands in the District between the Rio Hondo and Sabine rivers;

A bill to confirm certain land claims in the Ouachita land district, in the State of Louisiana; A bill confirming certain land claims in Louisiana;

A bill for the relief of Jean Baptis'e Grainger; A bill for the relief of the heirs of Madame De Lusser, and their legal representatives;

A bill for the relief of Juan Belgar;

A bill for the relief of the legal heirs and representatives of William Conway;

A bill for the relief of Pierre Babin;

A bill to confirm certain land claims in the Greenburg Land District, State of Louisiana; A bill for the relief of John Compton, assignee of Ganigues Flaujac;

A bill for the relief of Jean Baptist Comeau; A bill confirming the claim of John Baptiste Lecompte to a trace of land in Louisiana; and

A bill for the relief of the legal representatives of Therese Malette, widow of Gaspard Pheole. Mr. NORVELL, in pursuance to previous notice, askel and obtained leave to introduce

A bill to authorize the issuing of a patent to Joseph Campau for a tract of land in Michigan;

and

A bill for the relief of Joseph Campau; which were severally read twice, and referred to the Committee on Private Land Claims. Mr. N. also, on leave, introduced

A bill for the relief of Francis Laventure, Ebenezer Childs, and Linus Thompson; which was read twice, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

Mr. N. gave notice that to-morrow he would ask leave to introduce a bill for the improvement of certain harbors on the lakes.

Mr. YOUNG gave notice that to-morrow he would ask leave to introduce a bill for the relief of Isabella Hil, widow, and John Hill, Elizate h Hill, and Samuel Hill, children and minor heirs at law of Samuel Hill, deceased.

Mr. FULTON gave notice that to-morrow he would ask leave to in'roduce a bill to authorize the Legislature of the State of Arkansas to sell the lands heretofore appropriated for the use of schools in that State.

Mr. WHITE submitted the following resolution; which was considered and agreed to:

Resolved, That the Secretary of War be directed to inform the Senate whether instructions have lately been given by that Department to the superintendents of harbors and rivers for the construction and improvement of which appropriations have been heretofore made, and which are yet un

finished; and to the superintendents of the Cumber. land road for the sale of machinery, implements and materials used in the construction of said works; and by what authority such sales were ordered; together with a comparative statement of the aggregate cost of the same, and of the proceeds of the sales; and whether such sales were made in contemplation of an abandonment of the further improvement of said works.

Mr. FULTON submitted the following resolu tion; which was considered and agreed to:

Resolved, That the Committee on Commerce be instructed to inquire into the expediency of making an appropriation for the erection of a marine hospital at the town of Napoleon, on the Mississippi river.

Mr. YOUNG submitted the following resolution, which was considered and agreed to:

Resolved, That the Committee on the Public Lands be instructed to inquire into the expediency of providing by law for additional compensation to the registers and receivers of the several land offices of the United States in cases where their annual compensation, including the per cent. allowed on the sales of the public lands, shall not in the whole amount to the sum of one thousand dollars.

The bill for the establishment of a permanent prospective pre-emption law, was taken up, and the call for the yeas and says on ordering it to a second reading being withdrawn, it was read a second time, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

FINANCES OF THE COUNTRY.

The resolution submitted by Mr. WRIGHT on Monday last, to refer so much of the President's message as relates to the finances of the country to the Committee on Finance, which had been postponed on the motion of Mr. WEBSTER, coming up for consideration,

Mr. WRIGHT said the honorable Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. WEBSTER,) had felt it to be his duty to open this discussion upon the message of the President, pending a simple motion to refer the portions of it to which he had alluded, to the appropriate Committee of the Senate, under the apprehension expressed by him that the publication and distribution of the statements and views of the President might produce erroneous impressions upon the minds of the people of the country. A similar apprehension entertained by Mr. WRIGHT as to the remarks of the Senator, moved him to make this reply to that gentleman. A belief that his remarks were calculated to give erroneous impressions as to the message, and the fiscal condition of the country at the present time, made it his duty to notice some of the positions and arguments of the honorable Senator, and to correct, as far as he might be able, the errors of fact and conclusion, which seemed to him to have been committed. This he intended to do as briefly as possible; and in the discussion he should endeavor to imitate the courtesy which had so clearly distinguished the language and manner of the honorable Senator.

The Senator first referred to page eight of the message, where the President speaks of a National Debt and a National Bank. The Senator did not, at that time, consider it within his object to make any remarks in reference to the President's observations as to a Bank; but it was to the views expressed in the message on the subject of a national debt to which his attention was directed, and to which his attention was directed with that point ani force which always characterize the Senator's mind and he might perhaps say, on this occasion, the in genuity which sometimes characterizes his argu ments. He had asked if the President supposed or if any body supposed, that there was a party this country friendly to a national debt, per se. H (Mr. WRIGHT) did not believe that position m the President's remarks at all, for he did not u derstand the President as offering his views a urging his reasons against the contraction and pe petuation of a national debt on the ground th it was a debt to be contracted for the sing and sole love of the debt for itself. He unde stood the President as taking other and high ground, and as endeavoring to impress upon countrymen, on the occasion which called for

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