party in the south of Ireland, who styled themselves Right-boys. They administered oaths, binding the people not to pay more tithe per acre than a certain sum they fixed-to permit no proctors-and not to allow the clergyman to take his tithes in kind. They also proceeded to fix the rents of land-to raise the wages of labour—and to oppose the collection of the tax called hearth-money. It was impossible that the legislature could allow this violation of the law to pass unnoticed, and in the following year an act was passed, to prevent tumultuous assemblies and illegal combinations.

A very few years passed from this time before the French revolution broke out; when all who were dissatisfied with the government, and hoped to profit by the convulsion into which the country was likely to be thrown, as well as those who sighed for catholic emancipation, or clamoured for redress of grievances, hailed the success of revolutionary principles in that country as the day-spring of liberty in their own; but while they professed to forward a" brotherhood of affection, a communion of rights, and a union of power among Irishmen of every religious persuasion," the leaders of this "association" contemplated nothing short of subversion of the monarchy in Ireland, and a perfect fraternization with the republicans of France, whom they invited to come to their assistance. That such was their intention, was afterwards fully proved on the trials of Napier Tandy and others; and it was also evident from the formation in Dublin of national guards, distinguished by a green uniform, and by buttons with a harp under a cap of liberty instead of a crown. The 9th of December, 1792, was appointed for the general muster of these guards; but the government interfered with their proceedings, and the muster never took place. But, although the progress of insurrection was stayed for a time, the spirit of disaffection only lay dormant till a more favourable opportunity should offer for displaying its activity. At length an arrangement was made between the ringleaders and the French government, that an armament should be sent in the winter of 1796-7, with whom the Irish insurgents would be ready to co-operate. Accordingly, the invading fleet anchored in Bantry Bay, on the 24th of December, 1796; but as the general and a great part of the troops were on board ships that had not arrived, the admiral, after waiting for him a few days, returned to Brest; having previously ascertained, however, that the country was in a better state of defence, and that the population was less disaffected to the English government, than the French directory had reason to suppose.

In May, 1797, a proclamation was issued, declaring the civil power in adequate to quell the insurrection, and ordering the military to act upon the responsibility of their own officers. Many severities were consequently practised; and the United Irishmen, perceiving that their only chance of success was by assuming the appearance of being reduced to obedience, they conducted their operations in a more secret manner, discontinuing their meetings, and putting on the semblance of loyalty with such consummate art that, the government being deceived by these appearances, the administration of justice was again, in about three months from the date of the proclamation, committed to the civil power. The organization of the United Irishmen, however, had been going on all this time in a manner the most secret and effectual. Secretaries, delegates, committees, and even an executive directory, was respectively engaged in furnishing sup plies and arranging the materials necessary for carrying out their plans; and in the spring of 1797, the Irish union was extending far and wide throughout the island. Not being able to propagate their instruction by means of the public press, hand-bills were privately printed and circulated by their agents. In these, abstinence from spirituous liquors was strongly recommended-for the two-fold reason of impairing the revenue, and of guarding against intoxication, lest the secrets of the society should be incautiously

divulgea to the agents of government. Those who thought they knew the character of the lower Irish would not have believed that any motive would induce them to follow this advice; but it was so generally and faithfully obeyed, that drunkenness among United Irishmen became a comparatively rare occurrence. The members were cautioned against purchasing the quit-rents of the crown, as the bargains would not be valid in case of a change in the government; and the taking of bank notes was also to be especially avoided. These things indicated an approaching revolution, and to effect it they looked with intense anxiety to France for military aid. This was readily promised them; and preparations for the invasion of Ireland were made at Brest and in the Texel; but Lord Duncan's victory off Camperdown rendered the latter abortive, while that at Brest met with unexpected delays.

By this time the number of men sworn into the conspiracy amounted nearly to half a million, and plans were made for the simultaneous rising of this body; their plans were, however, defeated by the vigilance of the ministry, and some of their most influential leaders arrested. In March, 1798, government issued a proclamation for the immediate suppression of the disaffection and disorders in Ireland; while General Abercrombie, at the head of the forces, marched into the most disturbed districts; not, however, till the insurrection had risen to an alarmning height Vigorous measures were now taken; and General Lake, who succeeded Abercrombie in the command of the army, proclaimed martial law, and eventually crushed the rebellion in the memorable conflict at Vinegar-hill. But it is needless to proceed; for the scenes which followed, and the affairs of Ireland generally, are so bound up with those of England from this period, that the reader will find the material points already succinctly given. We shall therefore only introduce a few remarks relative to the repeal agitation, the poison so thoroughly instilled into the minds and hearts of the people in every part of the island. Insulting epithets, gibes, and falsehoods, have been used by O'Connell again and again, to bring the government of England into contempt; denunciations against the " Saxon," he has coupled with the meanest sycophancy to an ignorant rabble; he has boasted of his power to wage war against the British, while in the same breath he has affected to recommend peace. "If," said he, at a recent "monster" meeting, “it should be necessary for me to call this vast assemblage to arms-to bid you march to the battle-field, there is not one of you that would refuse the summons; ay, and your enemies know it as well as I do. Yes, I have set them at defiance, and I defy them again"

To write at all on Ireland, and not allude to the crisis which is so ostentatiously announced, would seem to be a dereliction of one's duty. But that we may not be subject to the charge of taking a one-sided view of Irish grievances, we shall make a few extracts from the observations of a popular writer, whose opinions on political matters are frequently carried to the verge of liberalism.

"The granting of the elective franchise to the catholics, so late as 1752, was the first great step in the progress to a better system, which was happily consummated by the repeal of the last remnant of the penal code in 1829. The odious distinctions by which society was formerly divided have no longer any real or statutory foundations. Adherence to the religion of their ancestors has ceased to entail upon the catholics a denial of their Political franchises; and all classes now participate equally in the rights and privileges granted by the constitution.

"One of the most curious chapters in the Irish history is that connected with the embodying of the volunteers in 1782, and the revolution that was soon after effected in the construction of Ireland. The difficulties in which Great Britain was then involved having occasioned the withdrawal

of the greater number of the troops from Ireland, rumours were propagated of an expected invasion of the island by the French; and, to meet this contingency, the protestants of Ulster and other parts took up arms, and formed themselves into a body of volunteer corps. These bodies soon became sensible of their strength; and having appointed delegates and concerted measures, they proceeded to set about reforming the constitu tion. In this view they published declarations, to the effect that Ireland was a free and independent kingdom, and that no power on earth, except that of the king, lords, and commons of Ireland, could legally enact laws to bind Irishmen. These declarations, which struck a direct blow at the superiority hitherto claimed and asserted by the British parliament, might, and most probably would, at another time, have been successfully resisted. But Great Britain, being then engaged in a desperate contest with her revolted colonies, and with almost all the great European powers, prudently made the concession demanded by the Irish volunteers; and the Independence of Ireland was proclaimed amid the most enthusiastic demonstrations of popular rejoicing.

"In truth, however, this independence was apparent only. The wretched state of the elective franchise in Ireland was totally inconsistent with anything like real independence; and so venal was the Irish parliament, that any minister, how unpopular soever, had no difficulty in securing a majority in that assembly. Hence the anticipations in which the more sanguine Irish patriots had indulged were destined soon to experience a most mortifying disappointment; and this, and the hopes inspired by the French revolution, terminated in the rebellion of 1798, which was not suppressed without a repetition of the former scenes of devastation and bloodshed.

"The British government at length wisely determined to effect a lcgislative union between Great Britain and Ireland, and to suppress the separate legislature of the latter. This measure, notwithstanding a strenuous opposition, was happily carried, and took effect from the 1st of January 1801. And, unless it were resolved or wished to put an end to all political connection between the two countries, nothing could be more inexpedient and absurd than the existence of a separate independent legislature for Ireland. Perpetual jealousies could not have failed to arise between it and the legislature of Great Britain, which must necessarily in the end have led to estrangement, and probably separation. A legislative union was the only means of obviating these and other sources of mischief; its repeal would make Ireland a theatre for all sorts of projects and intrigues, and it would be sure to be followed, at no distant period, by the dismemberment of the empire. Its maintenance, therefore, should be regarded as a fundamental principle of policy; and, to give it permanence and stability, every effort should be made to remove all just grounds of complaint on the part of the Irish people, and to make the union one of national interest and affection, as well as of constitutional law."-M'Culloch

THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.

CHAPTER I.

"HISTORY," says Dr. Robertson, "which ought to record truth and teach wisdom, often sets out with retailing fiction and absurdities." Never was a sentence more true, nor a truism more necessary to be borne in mind. Relying upon uncertain legends, and the traditions of their bards, still more uncertain, the Scots reckon up a series of kings several ages before the birth of Christ; but the earliest accounts we can depend on, are obtained from Roman historians; and even these are very meagre. The Scots appear to have been descended from the Britons of the south, or from the Caledonians, both of Celtic origin, who being pressed forward by new colonies from Gaul, till they came to the western shores of Britain, there took shipping and passed over to Ireland, about a century before the Christian era. In their new abode, it is said they obtained the name of Scuyts, or Wanderers; from which the modern term Scots is supposed to be derived. About A. D. 320, they returned to Britain, or at least a large colony of them, under the conduct of Fergus, and settled on the coast of Caledonia, whence they had formerly emigrated, and in a few years after we find them associated with the Picts in their expedition against the Roman province of South Britain. The modern inhabitants of Scotland are divided into Highlanders and Lowlanders; but the general name of both is Scots; and if the etymology of that name be correct, we may say, without sarcasm or reproach, that they still merit it as much as their ancestors; for there is scarcely a place in the world where they are not to be found.

There has been much dispute among antiquaries whether, in the first place, the Picts and Caledonians were the same race; and whether, secondly, they were of Gothic origin; but, according to the best authorities, both these points have been very satisfactorily demonstrated. Tacitus describes the Caledonians as being of tall stature, light hair, and blue eyes, and he deduces their Gothic origin from their appearance; the Celts being, on the other hand, a small and dark people, with black eyes and hair.

In the year 81, the Romans, under Agricola, carried their arms into the northern parts of Britain, which they found possessed by the Caledonians, a fierce and warlike people; and having repulsed, rather than conquered them, they erected a strong wall, or line of forts, between the friths of Forth and Clyde, which served as the northern boundary of their empire. In 121, Adrian, on account of the difficulty of defending such a distant frontier, built a second wall much more southward, which extented from Newcastle to Carlisle. However, the country between the two walls was alternately under the dominion of the Romans and the Caledonians. In the reign of Antoninus Pius, the pro-prætor, Lollius Urbius, drove the Scots far to the northward, and repaired the chain of forts built by Agricola, which lay between the Carron on the frith of Forth, and Dunglass on the Clyde. However, after the death of Antoninus, Commodus having recalled Calpurnius Agricola, an able commander, who kept the Scots in awe, a more dangerous war broke out than had ever been experienced by the Romans in that quarter. The Scots having passed the wall, put all the Romans they could meet with to the sword; but they were soon repulsed by Ulpius Marcellus, a general of consummate abilities, whom

Commodus sent into the island. In a short time the tyrant recalled this able commander. After his departure the Roman discipline suffered a total relaxation; the soldiery grew mutinous, and great disorder ensued; but these were all happily removed by the arrival of Clodius Albinus, who possessed great skill and experience in military affairs. His presence for some time restrained the Scots, but a civil war breaking out between him and Severus, Albinus crossed over to the continent with the greatest part of the Roman forces in Britain, and meeting his antagonist at Lyons, a dreadful battle ensued, in which Albinus was completely defeated.

The withdrawal of the Roman troops gave encouragement to the Scots to renew their insurrection, which they did with such success, that the emperor became apprehensive of losing the whole island, on which he determined to take the field against them in person. The army he collected on this occasion was far more numerous than any the Romans had ever sent into Britain, and it is asserted that in reconquering Scotland he lost no less than 50,000 men. On his return from the northern extremity of the island he built much stronger fortifications to secure the frontiers than had ever been done before, and which in some places coincided with Adrian's wall, but extended farther at each end. But, in the meantime, the Scots, provoked by the brutality of the emperor's son, Caracalla, whom he had left regent in his absence, again took up arms, on which Severus put himself at the head of his legions, with a determination, as he said, of extirpating the whole nation. But his death, which happened soon after, put a stop to the execution of a threat so direful, and we find that his son Caracalla ratified the peace with the Scots. At this period Scotland was governed by Donald I., who is said to have been its first Christian king. He died A. D. 216. From the reign of Donald I. to that of Eugene I., in 357, during which time eleven kings filled the throne, no important event occurs for which we have authentic history; though we are told that for the great aid afforded by one of the Scottish kings, named Fincormachus, to the Britons, in their contest with the Romans, Westmoreland and Cumberland were ceded to Scotland. In the reign of Eugene I. we read that the Roman and Pictish forces were united against the Scots. The Picts were commanded by their king, named Hargust, and the Romans by Maximus, who murdered Valentinian III., and afterwards assumed the imperial purple. The allies defeated Eugene in the county of Galloway; but Maximus being obliged to return southward on account of an insurrection, the Picts were in their turn defeated by the Scots. In the following year, however, Maximus again marched against the Scots, and not only gained a complete victory over them, but the king, with the greater part of his nobles, were among the slain. So well, indeed, did the conquerors improve their victory, that their antagonists were at last totally driven out of the country. Some of them took refuge in the Ebudæ islands, and some in Scandinavia, but most of them fled to Ireland, whence they made frequent descents upon Scotland.

The Picts were at first greatly pleased with the victory they had gained over their warlike antagonists; but being commanded to adopt the laws of the Romans, and to choose no king who was not sent from Rome, they began to repent of their having contributed to the expulsion of the Scots; and in the year 421, when Autulphus, king of the Goths, sent over a body of exiled Scots to Britain, under Fergus, a descendant of the kings of Scotland, the Picts immediately joined them against the common enemy. It was at this period that the Romans were obliged, by the inundation of northern barbarians who poured in upon them, to recall their legions and abandon their conquests in Britain. The native Britons, therefore, so long accustomed to the dominion of these mighty conquerors, and now so incorporated with them, severely felt the perils of their situation when left to defend themselves; hence originated that supplicating letter to