à. p. 1841.- On the 4th of March, William Henry Harrison, of Ohio. was inaugurated president of the United States-John Tyler, of Virginia, having been elected with him to the vice-presidency. The ceremony was performed in the presence of an immense concourse of citizens, and the address delivered was lengthy and elaborate. The new president pledged himself to carry out, to the letter, the views of the party which had ele vated him to the highest dignity in the gift of the nation; which views, he considered, were indispensable to the real well-being of both government and people. The subjoined passage from his inaugural, conveys the tone of the entire address:

"When the Constitution of the United States first came from the hands of the convention which formed it, many of the sternest republicans of the day were alarmed at the extent of the power which had been granted to the federal government, and more particularly of that portion which had been assigned to the executive branch. There were in it features which appeared not to be in harmony with their simple representative democracy or republic. And, knowing the tendency of power to increase itself, particularly when exercised by a single individual, predictions were made, that, at no very remote period, the government would terminate in virtual monarchy. It would not become me to say that the fears of these patriots have been yet realized. But, as I sincerely believe that the tendency of measures, and of men's opinions, for some years past, has been in that direction, it is, I conceive, strictly proper that I should take this occasion to repeat the assurances I have heretofore given of my determination to arrest the progress of that tendency, if it really exists, and restore the government to its pristine health and vigour, as far as this can be effected by any legitimate exercise of the power placed in my hands. Of the former, is the eligibility of the same individual to a second term of the presidency. The sagacious mind of Mr. Jefferson early saw and lamented this error, and attempts have been made, hitherto without success, to apply the amendatory power of the states to its correction. As, however, one mode of correction is in the power of every president, and consequently in mine, it would be useless, and perhaps invidious, to enumerate the evils of which, in the opinion of many of our fellow-citizens, this error of the sages who framed the Constitution may have been the source, and the bitter fruits which we are still to gather from it, if it continues to disfigure our system. It may be observed, however, as a gen eral remark, that republicans can commit no greater error than to adopt or continue any feature in their systems of government which may be calculated to create or increase the love of power in the bosoms of those to whom necessity obliges them to commit the management of their af fairs. And surely nothing is more likely to produce such a state of mind than the long continuance of an office of high trust. Nothing can be more corrupting, nothing more destructive of all those noble feelings which belong to the character of a devoted republican patriot. When this corrupting passion once takes possession of the human mind, like the love of gold, it becomes insatiable. It is the never-dying worm in his bosom, grows with his growth, and strengthens with the declining years of its victim. If this is true, it is the part of wisdom for a republic to limit the service of that officer, at least, to whom she has intrusted the management of her foreign relations, the execution of her laws and the command of her armies and navics, to a period so short as to prevent his forgetting that he is the accountable agent, not the principal-the servant not the master. Until an amendment of the Constitution can be effected, public opinion may secure the desired object. I give my aid to it by renewing the pledge heretofore given, that, under no circumstances, will I consent to serve a second term."

The liberal professions of the president, however, he was destined never

to carry into execution. His toilsome journey from the west in midwinter, combined with an exchange of quietude for const int bustle, as well as the general excitement of the times, was too much for his failing constitution to endure. Just one month from his assumption of the reins of government, on the 4th of April, General Harrison lay a pallid corpse in the presidential mansion. So perished a liberal minded statesman, and with him the high hopes of a numerous body of citizens. The entire nation was moved with sadness and surprise upon learning the mournful event, and all the people united in doing honour to his memory. The funeral procession in the city of Washington extended over two miles, and was the longest ever witnessed there. The president died after a brief illness, at the age of 69, and was the first who died in office.

John Tyler, vice-president, by a provision of the Constitution, became president for the unexpired term. He arrived at the seat of government from Virginia, on the day after the president's decease, and was duly sworn into office. He retained the cabinet officers just appointed by General Harrison, who were the following-named: Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, Secretary of State; Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury; John Bell, of Tennessee, Secretary of War; George E. Badger of North Carolina, Secretary of the Navy; Francis Granger, of NewYork, Postmaster General; J. J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, Attorney General. Samuel L. Southard, a member from New-Jersey, was elected by the senate to fill the chair just vacated by John Tyler.

On the 31st of May, an extra session of Congress, which had been convoked by General Harrison, assembled and commenced its labours. Much was expected by the people at large from the action of this body; yet nothing of particular importance was realized. One of the earliest measures of the session, was the passage of a general bankrupt law-but this being found to work iniquitously, its privileges being abused, it was subsequently repealed. In the month of July, a bill was introduced for the establishment of a National Bank. This passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, and was sent to the president for his signature; when, to the astonishment of every one, Mr. Tyler returned the bill with a veto message. He set forth his views at length with reference to the measure, but they may be all summed up as follows: That he had always been opposed to such a bank; that this was perfectly well known at the time of his election to the vice-presidency; and that he had since seen ne reasons for changing his opinions on the subject. A second bill for a Fiscal bank of the United States was prepared, after consultation of the president with his cabinet, and certain members of the House of Representatives. This also, was vetoed. Mr. Tyler's cabinet thereupon threw up their commissions, with the exception of Mr. Webster, assigning for reason a capriciousness and whimsicality on the part of the president. The non-resignation of Mr. Webster was strongly animadverted upon at the time, but subsequent results fully justified the conduct of that able

statesman.

Mr. Van Buren, upon this action of the president, published a letter in which he highly applauded his conduct. The people, however, considered the frustration by Mr. Tyler of a great measure of the party which elected him, a traitorous act, and in several places he was burnt in effigy. The new members of the cabinet, appointed in place of those who had resigned, were the following: Walter Forward, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of the Treasury; Abel P. Upshur, of Virginia, Secretary of the Navy; John C. Spencer, of New-York, Secretary of War; Hugh S. Legare, of South Carolina, Attorney General; Charles C. Wickliffe, of Kentucky, Postmaster General.

Congress made an appropriation of $25,000 to Mrs. Harrison, for the ourpose of reimbursing, in some degree, the losses sustained by the Gen

eral in removing, for so short a period, to Washington. His remains were disinterred, by desire of the family, and removed to his farm at North Bend.

In the course of the session, a revision of the tariff laws was called up. They were materially modified, after some opposition on the part of Southern members. Some considered the handling of the subject an infraction of Clay's compromise; but the majority were of opinion that the condition of the country called for renewed action, and results proved that they were right.

The census of the United States for 1840 having been completed, the Senate, by a resolution, required the secretary of state to furnish an abstract of the same. The total population of the Union was 17,068,112 souls. The following table shows how the population was apportioned.

About the beginning of this year, one Alexander McLeod, a Canadian, created some disturbance. He came within the American lines, and being an idle and worthless person, thought to attract some momentary atten tion by representing himself as one of the mob engaged in the destruction of the steamboat Caroline, some time previous. It seems, in the end, he drew more notice than he expected, or found agreeable. In Lockport, near the New-York frontier, he was taken and held to bail in the recognizance of $5,000 for himself, with two sureties of $2,500 each, for his appearance at court to answer the charges of murder and arson.

It appeared, that an impartial trial could not be had for this man at the west, on account of the excitement against him. He was therefore removed to the city of New-York, and examined before the supreme court of the state, at its May term. Judge Cowan, in a lucid report on the question of jurisdiction, which had been raised, decided that the fate of the prisoner must be determined by the state tribunals, without reference to the action of the general government in the premises.

Meanwhile, a correspondence ensued between Mr. Fox, British Minister at Washington, and the American secretary of state. The English ambassador called upon the American government to take prompt and effectual steps for the liberation of McLeod. "It is well known," said he, "that the destruction of the steamboat Caroline was a public act of persons in her majesty's service, obeying the orders of their superior authorities. That act, therefore, according to the usages of nations, can only be the subject of discussion between the two national governments.' Mr. Forsyth, in his reply, after stating the anxious desire of his govern ment to maintain amicable relations between the United States,and England, said: "It is, then, with unfeigned regret, that the president finds

himself unable to recognize the validity of a demand, a compliance with which you deem so material to the preservation of the good understanding which has been hitherto manifested between the two countries. The jurisdiction of the several states which constitute the Union, is, within its appropriate sphere, perfectly independent of the federal government. The offence with which McLeod is charged was committed within the territory and against the laws and citizens of the state of New-York, and is one that comes clearly within the competency of her tribunals. It does not, there. fore, present an occasion where, under the constitution and laws of the Union, the interposition called for would be proper, for which a warrant can be found in the powers with which the federal executive is invested. Nor would the circumstances to which you have referred, or the reasons you have urged, justify the execution of such a power, if it existed."

Mr. Fox, in reply, regrets this refusal, and intimates that it, together with the ill-treatment of Mr. McLeod, will lead to the most grave and serious consequences. In the interim, counsel for the prisoner, Messrs. Bradley and Joshua A. Spencer, had moved a change of trial from the city of New-York to Utica. There, in the month of October, before Judge Gridley, and others, a lengthy trial was held; when, notwithstanding the abilities of Attorney-general Hall for the people, an alibi was proven for the prisoner-and so the matter ended.

In Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, this year, appeared a table which was furnished by the Secretary of State, showing the amount in quantity of the agricultural products of the Union. With the aid of this table an estimate has been made of the value in money of the several products, and the result placed side by side with the population of the states respectively, to show the yield per head in round numbers.

It will be seen by the foregoing, that only four states produce more than one hundred dollars to each head of the population. Of these, Ver. mont takes the lead, and must certainly be considered a very enterprising and thrifty state. The average production per capitem is seventy-seven dollars and fifty cents. Fourteen members of the Union rise above this average, the remainder stand below it.

The failure of the United States' Bank of Pennsylvania, in February, caused much surprise as well as distress. Its immense capital of $35,000, 000 had so dazzled the eyes of the people, that the possibility of such a dark mishap as its ultimate ruin, never entered their bewildered comprehension. In Europe, even, not less than $15,000,000 worth of stock had been purchased, and was distributed among the middling classes in and about London. In New-York, the amount of $7,000,000 had been taken, and the balance was owned by the United States' government, and the states south and west. According to a report of the directors, the bank had, in thirty days from its resumption of specie payments in January

paid out in cash to keen-eyed brokers $6,000,000; and as demands for as much more were already presented, they were forced to bend to the tempest and suspend. An investigation into the affairs of the bank, which was or dered, resulted in the discovery that the old board of directors had been largely engaged in various extraneous speculations, such as buying up Texas funds, endeavouring to monopolize the cotton market, &c.; this, be it understood, on their own private account, though by means of the bank's funds. Messrs. Biddle, Jaudon, Cowperthwaite, and others, were accordingly indicted for this by the grand jury of Philadelphia; but as those gentlemen had merely expended what they had previously withdrawn, nothing was effected towards establishing the former good credit of the bank.

In the House of Representatives, a member, from the committee on naval affairs, brought in the following statement, showing the gradual increase of the navy-together with a recommendation that the same ratio. both of power and expense, should be maintained:

In 1836, we had $7,611,055 appropriated, and 462 guns afloat.

in,

The new president's unsparing exercise of the veto power, caused a committee of the Representatives to recommend his impeachment-when he addressed that body a message, protesting violently against any such right. This summer perished, in Syracuse, N.Y., thirty persons instantly, fifty more being badly wounded. Twenty-eight kegs of gunpowder had been stored, contrary to law, in the heart of the city; when, a fire breaking out, they exploded, with this fatal result. The steamboat Erie, of Buffalo, was burned in August, while twenty miles from land, with two hundred passengers on board; one hundred and seventy-five lives were sacrificed; the fire, in this case, was caused by the ignition of a barrel of turpentine. Died, in Washington, Judge Barbour, of Virginia; also, Hon. John Forsyth, 60, late Secretary of State; also, General Alexander Macomb, commander-in-chief of the army; also, Colonel R. D. Wainright. In South Carolina, General Griffin. In Tennessee, Governor Cannon. In Pennsylvania, Charles Ogle, M. C.; also, Hon. J. R. Black. In NewYork, Henry Brevoort, 99, also, Major Shute, & 82; also Dr. M'Nevthe companion of Emmet in the Irish "rebellion;" also, Herman Le Roy, Esq, father-in-law of Daniel Webster. In Connecticut, Judge Lanman. In Virginia, Bishop Moore. In Lexington, Ky., Hon. R. H. Menifee. In Geneva, N. Y., Hon. Gideon Lee. In Florida, Ex-governor Reid; also, Judge Winn. In Philadelphia, Dr. S. Calhoun, professor of materia medica; also, Willis Gaylord Clark, poet. In Newburyport, Mass., William Bartlett, Esq., leaving $200,000 to Andover seminary. In New-Orleans, Colonel R. P. Bowie; also, Nicholas Girod, bequeathing to various objects $400,000. In South America, Commodore Claxton. Supposed to have been lost in the President steamship, Tyrone Power, comedian. At Gibraltar, Sir David Wilkie, eminent as a painter. In London, Captain S. B. Griffing, of New-York. At Kingston, U. C., Lord Sydenham, Gevernor-general of the Canadas. In Paris, Samuel Welles, an American banker, leaving a good name and a large fortune, which do not always go together. In London, Sir Philip Brooke, rear-admiral of the red, better known as captain of the Shannon, in her action with the Chesapeake; also, Sir Astley Cooper, M. D., E 72; also, Theodore Hook, a favourite dramatic author; also, T. Dibdin, the same; also, Sir Francis Chantrey, an eminent sculptor; also, Joseph Chitty, a distinguished lawyer. In Syria, Rev. Mr. Mitchel! and lady, both of Connecticut