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or he understood the Message and the object of very differently; and he should have expected hat the candor of the honorable member would ave induced him to have given the Message a air interpretation. That he had not done so, Just be supposed to proceed from this recent but ery strong attachment to a regular military force. However anti-republican this doctrine had form- Mr. A. said he trusted that the honorable memrly been, it seemed now to be viewed through a ber and himself had in view the same object, but lifferent medium by the honorable member from differed as to the means of carrying it into effect. Virginia. Mr. A. said, that having, as he thought, The means proposed by the honorable member roved, by a fair interpretation of the President's were regular troops only. If then the bill should dessage, that he intended to unite the volunteers pass to raise 25,000, entire dependence would, that might be thought requisite) with the regu- in all probability, be placed upon the regular ar troops, to perform the urgent services of which troops, ordered to be raised; the consequence, as e speaks, he would endeavor to present a fair he had before said, would be, that the whole obnd impartial view of the course recommended ject must fail. He was, therefore, for taking the y the President, and compare it with the course regular troops that could be raised in time, and which had been taken and so strenuously sup- supplying the additional number of men, which ported by the honorable member from Virginia. might be wanted, by volunteers-fifteen or twenty The President bad recommended the raising of thousand of whom could, he had no doubt, be volunteers; and it was incidentally made known, brought into the field, before ten thousand of the hat the auxiliary force spoken of, was 10,000 regular troops, contemplated by the bill, could be egular troops. If then provision had been im- enlisted. By this mode (notwithstanding so much mediately made by the law for raising 10,000 reg-time had been lost) an efficient army might be alar troops, and also for raising volunteers, those roops now would be in a state of preparation; considerable number of the regular troops would re now have been enlisted, and the chance of getting the whole number greatly increased. If ime had been afforded, as it ought to have been, he laws passed within two or three weeks after Congress met, which might have been done, a sufficient regular force would, in all probability, have been in a state of readiness in all the month of April; and the number of volunteers which might have been required to make up the necessary force, would no doubt long since have offered their services, and the whole have been in a state of preparation to take the field in time to have performed the arduous service contemplated by the President. But, instead of that course having been pursued, what has been done? Your first military bill, reported only a few days ago, is now under consideration; the session now almost half expired; and, at this late period, the honorable member, to whom, as chairman of the committee, &c., the whole management of the military business was referred, insists upon raising 25,000 regular troops, whose duty it shall be to make a descent upon Canada, in all the month of May. Can the gentleman be serious? Does he believe it practicable ? If he does, Mr. A. said, he should be obliged to believe, that the honorable member was in earnest some days ago, when he assured the Senate that he knew very little of military affairs. Mr. A. said, from the proofs we have repeatedly had, of the difficulty of obtaining men by enlistment for so long a time as five years, and the want in our country of those kinds of materials of which regular troops are made, he did not believe that one-half the number proposed to be raised by the bill could be enlisted within the time required. Mr. A. said, although he was not as much in the habit of prophesying as the honorable member, he would,

under all circumstances, adventure to predict, that the scheme of now raising twenty-five thousand regular troops, to perform the arduous service contemplated in the President's Message, would entirely fail, and that the course pointed out by the President must at last be adopted; that is, to unite volunteers with regular troops.

yet provided in time to carry into effect the objects of the Government, which, Mr. A. said, he did not believe could or would be done, if dependence were placed upon the regular troops. Notwithstanding the little confidence which the honorable member seems disposed to place in the volunteers, Mr. A. said, he had no hesitation in giving it, as his most decided opinion, that at least as much dependence might be placed upon the volunteers, as upon the newly raised regular troops. The volunteers would have the same chance of discipline that the new regulars would have. A sufficient number of those who offered their services might be called into the field, as early as the season would admit, and placed under strict discipline: to which for their own honor they would readily submit-nay, require, if left to their own choice; for the first object they would have in view would be to acquire military skill; and they would not only be very soon prepared to perform field duty, but might entirely be depended upon for any other service. Witness the prowess of the volunteers at the battle of the Wabash, and these had not been disciplined at all. Mr. A. said, he expected the honorable member would admit, that the materials of which the volunteers would be composed, would be at least equal to those of which the regular troops would be formed; and the officers of the volunteer corps being appointed by the President, would, he had no doubt, faithfully perform their duty. Those, said Mr. A., are completely in our power; and he considered it our best policy, as well as our duty, to bring them into action. Mr. A. said in addition to the efficiency of the means which he proposed to bring into the field, it would have one very considerable advantage over the regular army of the honorable member. It would be more conformable to the true principles of the Constitution, and would consequently be more acceptable to the nation. The confidence with which he

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firmness as the regular troops. Many of them were killed and wounded. Among the number. were said to be seven of one family connexion, brothers, brothers-in-law, and cousins; several of whom he had himself seen after the action. Scenes like this, Mr. President, (said Mr. A...) of which he had been an eye-witness, and in which he claimed some participation, had given him tha confidence in volunteers, which he had evinces to the Senate in the course of his observations, and which, he said, should never cease but with his existence. They are, sir, the best military your forests; they ought not to be thrown into the back-ground, the better to enable the honorable member from Virginia to present his regulars in front.

upon which my confidence in volunteers has been founded; and be it remembered, said Mr. A., that they were militia volunteers. He said, he ough: to have stated, that the enemy they had encountered, was composed of regulars and Hessiansthe whole under the command of the Hessian General Knyphausen. Mr. A. said the volunteers he now proposed raising he would have engaged for nine or twelve months, from the time of their reaching the place of general rendezvous. They should be engaged by officers to be appointed by the President, under such regulations (of course) as might be provided by law; but which could not now be well detailed.

had spoken of volunteers, was not founded upon visionary theory, but practical experience; he had often, in the Revolution, had opportunity to witness their military ardor and persevering firmness; on two occasions in particular, the one at Connecticut Farms, the other at Springfield, in the Spring of 1780. The enemy had advanced, in force about two thousand, to a place called Connecticut Farms, about four miles from Elizabethtown, in New Jersey. The only troops that were within striking distance to oppose this force, was the brigade of Jersey Regulars, containing then about a thousand men; many volunteers, how-materials in your country-they are the flower of ever, flocked to their standard-the enemy were met by this force-a battle ensued-the American army had the advantage of the ground; but the right wing of the enemy extended so far, that if not suddenly checked, it would have enabled them Mr. ANDERSON said, I have stated, Mr. Presi to have flanked our left. It was necessary to pre-dent, perhaps with some warmth, the ground. vent it-services of this kind must be promptly rendered; four hundred regulars and two hundred volunteers were ordered to execute it; no more could be spared from the line. A good position alone could have justified the attempt, with the disparity of numbers. It was first made by manœuvre, but it was soon found it could only be done with the bayonet. A determined charge was made, and it was successful; the enemy were repulsed; the volunteers were upon the left; not a man broke his ranks. Some brave fellows fell, but their places were immediately filled; all be haved with the firmness of veterans. The next day, those troops had the thanks of General WASHINGTON in general orders. The volunteers had only joined the regulars a few days before the action. In about two weeks after, the enemy advanced in greater force-about five thousand-the troops who had been in the former action had kept their position where the battle had been fought; it was advantageous for an inferior force; it was a defile, covered for some distance on the right by a morass; on the left it was not well protected. Against this position, the enemy again advanced; and, by their increased numbers, they were enabled to extend their right wing so far as completely to turn our left. We were obliged to retreat; but not without having kept the enemy a considerable time in check. You know, Mr. President, there is no situation so trying to the bravery and firmness of troops, as a retreat (for even you, sir, I believe, had to retreat sometimes.) The volunteers, upon this occasion, behaved like themselves; a sullen, indignant step, marked their movements; and from the mouths of their guns they spoke to the enemy the language of defiance; the enemy did not advance one mile, before a fortunate position, supported by determined bravery, enabled the united force of the regulars and volunteers to arrest their progress for the remainder of the day. This day's action began with the dawn of the morning, and continued until the setting of the sun, when the enemy fell back to take a secure position against the expected attacks of the night. During the whole of this day's action, the volunteers kept the stations assigned them, which they sustained with as much

Mr. A. said, he should now offer some observations upon the number of troops that ought to be employed. He said that the invasion of Canada was not now contemplated for the first time-i had often been a subject of conversation, whenever there had been any prospect of a war with England. It has been considered as the most convenient means upon which we could make repri sal, and thereby obtain some small reparation for the many losses and injuries, which have been sustained from the depredations committed upon the honor and interests of the nation. Mr. A. said, that upon different occasions, he had always given it as his opinion, that a descent upon Canada ought never to be attempted with a force of less than twenty-five thousand men; that such a force would make an awful impression-and would, in all probability, save many valuable lives; as no opposing force, in the usual state of the country, would be able to meet it in the field. Mr. A. said, he repeated, that no expression had escaped him, either in public debate or in private conversation, to justify the insinuations made by the gentleman, that he was unwilling to vote a sufficient force for the invasion of Canada. On the contrary, he believed that no man who had seen active military service, and who had any knowledge of the situation and state of that country, would say that it would be prudent or safe. to make a descent upon Canada, with a force of less than twenty-five thousand men; peculiar circumstances might, however, render it necessary, to attempt with a smaller number, and depend

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pon immediate supplies being furnished, to sus- and interests of the whole Western section of the in the ground that might be acquired. Mr. A. Union. What, Mr. President, would any one of id, the honorable member had intimated that the old States say, at thus being thrown out of the e had not taken into consideration the peculiar protection of the Union? Nay, what would be tuation of the United States in relation to the the impulse of the nation were the President caloridas, and the other parts of the Southern and pable of declaring, that in the event of a war with Vestern frontiers. He said he was much indebted an enemy, no matter whom, he would leave either 3 the honorable member, for evincing so much Philadelphia, New York, or Boston, without ofnterest for those sections of the Union; but, Mr. fering any defence, to be taken possession of by 1. said, he considered those already provided for, the army of the enemy, and leave it to the citi y the provision made to fill up the regiments on zens of the State whose town should be thus oche establishment, which, when complete. would cupied, to retake it themselves? Sir, the indig mount to ten thousand men; this number will nation of those people, and of the nation, would e quite competent to all the objects suggested by rise to such a height, that whatever respect, esteem, he honorable member, and it had not been con- or veneration they may have had for him, all emplated, that he had heard, to remove any of would be instantly swept from their bosoms, and hese troops from the South or West; consequently he would be hurled from their confidence forever. he situation of those parts of the Union can have But, said Mr. A., the well-earned fame of our late 10 relation to the number of men to be raised by illustrious Chief, is his shield and his buckler, as he bill under consideration. These troops are well upon this, as it has been upon many other inderstood to be exclusively for the Northern sec- occasions; and an elucidation of facts will test ion-and with that express view they are to be the correctness of the assertion made by the honaised. Mr. A. said, before he quitted the subject orable member from Virginia. If, Mr. President, f the Southern and Western frontier, he felt him- there was any one part of the United States dearer elf constrained to take notice of some very extra- to the late President than any other, in a national rdinary language, used by the honorable mem- point of view, Mr. A. said, he should naturally er in relation to the intentions of the late and suppose it was New Orleans. It was, as it were, resent Presidents, respecting the city of Orleans, his own begotten child; he had nursed it in its the event of a war with England. It was ex- infancy, and had almost reared it to manhood. remely painful to doubt the correctness of any Sir, he could never forsake it; much less could jentleman's statement; but this was of so very he voluntarily surrender it, to be sacked and plunxtraordinary a character, that in duty to the sec- dered, as it most certainly would be, by a mercenion of the country he represented, and from the ary foe. I will now, Mr. President, examine some espect due to those distinguished characters, Mr. facts, said Mr. A., which have a strong bearing A. said he considered himself bound to take ́no-upon the assertion made by the honorable memice, in a particular manner, of the assertions ber from Virginia. It would be recollected by made by the honorable member from Virginia. every honorable member upon this floor, that some Mr. A. said, the words had very much surprised few years ago, when it was understood that Genhim when he heard them uttered; and he had eral Prevost, with a body of troops, had sailed immediately written them down. from Halifax, with intent, as it was expected, for The honorable member has said, that he did the mouth of the Mississippi, the then President now, that in the event of a war it was the inten-apprehended the movement might possibly be to tion of the late President to let the English take Orleans without opposition, and leave it to the Western people to retake it themselves; and he did believe that it was the intention of the present Administration to act in the same way. [Mr. GILES attempted to explain; but Mr. A. insisted that the words, as he had taken them down, were correct, for which he appealed to the House. Mr. G. desisted from making any further attempt at explanation, and Mr. A. proceeded.] If, sir, said Mr. A.. I could believe the late President of the United States capable of such an act; capable of so deliberate an infringement of the letter and spirit of the Constitution, and all the moral and political obligations by which he was bound to his country and to his duty, I should not hesitate to ay, that all his well-earned fame ought to be forever merged in such an atrocious contemplated act. But, said Mr. A., knowing, as I do, the motives and views by which the late President had been uniformly actuated with respect to the whole Western country, I have very solid reason to believe he never contemplated, nor was he capable of committing so daring an outrage on the rights

possess Orleans. What was the conduct of the President upon that occasion? Did he leave it defenceless for the enemy to take? No, sir; he immediately gave orders for all the troops that could be collected within almost any reasonable distance, to march immediately for the protection of the place; and those that were near the seaboard were instantly transported by water; and every exertion was made to throw a sufficient force into Orleans and its vicinity, to afford it the most ample protection. This, sir, happened shortly before the President went out of office; and no other occasion presented itself of evincing his good disposition towards that portion of the Union, until he was succeeded by the present Chief Magistrate, who has also been measurably implicated in the same charge, by the honorable member; but of this he has only expressed his belief; he has not, however, told us upon what that belief is founded. Inasmuch then, Mr. President, as the charge exists only in the belief of the honorable member, it is fair to presume purity of intention on the part of the Executive until the contrary shall appear; and this, Mr. A

said, he felt entirely confident never would appear. The uniform tenor of the President's moral and political rectitude, were ample vouchers for the correctness of his motives, and the purity of his intentions. Mr. A. said, so far as we have had an opportunity of judging of the disposition of the present Chief Magistrate, in relation to the protection of Orleans, we had not the smallest reason to doubt the purity of his intentions; and he had entire confidence, should an occasion present, that the President would faithfully, ably, and impartially discharge the duties he owed to every part of the Union.

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DECEMBER, 1811.

with the great deficit which he seems so anxious to charge to the Secretary. The Secretary was opposed to the repeal of the salt tax, from his opinion of the correctness of it. The honorable member was also opposed to it, for the same rea son; but from complaisance, he himself tells us, he voted for the repeal. He then, and not the Secretary, is answerable to the Treasury for the great loss sustained by the repeal of that tax; for he has told us, that its repeal depended upon his single vote; and that that vote he gave from complaisance, not from a conviction of its correctness. The honorable member charges the Treasury Department with a recession from the difficulties of the nation during the last three years, and with the unwillingness of the Secretary to afford the usefulness of his talents to Government. Mr. A. said he could not well understand the meaning of this charge, as the honorable member acknowl edges that Government had not called on the Secretary for greater exertions. Mr. A. said he would ask the honorable member-in what do that recession and unwillingness consist? Have not all the duties of the office been performed? Has the Secretary ever shrunk from responsibility upon any occasion, or declined answering to the fullest extent any of the calls made upon him by Congress, either for information or opinion? Has he not carried the financial bark safely to this moment notwithstanding the difficulties of the times? Have not all the public engagements been fulfilled; all the increased expenses been defrayed; notwithstanding the decrease of revenue, occasioned by the state of our foreign relations? What is then meant by recession? Does the honorable member mean to say, that it was the duty of the Secretary to point out new branches of revenue; while those already existing were sufficient to defray the expense authorized by law? At this moment, while we are acting on the subject of the Army, which will (greatly) more than double the public expenses, the honorable member does not deign to inquire into the ways and means. He scouts the very idea, and finds great fault with him (Mr. A.) because he presumed to make some inquiry into the present state of the National Trea

Mr. A. said the observations of the honorable member, respecting the Secretary of the Treasury, the financial department, and the Administration as connected with it, required and should receive an answer. Mr. A. said he considered himself peculiarly bound to support the Secretary, as he had been the innocent cause, by introducing him into the debate, in the course of the observations he had made, in support of his motion, and thereby bringing upon him the animadversions, which the honorable member had taken occasion to make. His attack upon the Secretary is of a singular kind; he does not impeach a single official act of that officer, but throws out vague insinuations, in so untangible a shape as almost to defy an inquiry into their truth. The official acts of a public officer are always free subjects of investigation and discussion; but, does it comport with the dignity of a member of this body, to asperse without proof, not his acts, but his supposed opinions? The honorable member presumes the Secretary gave his assent to the repeal of the salt tax-upon what authority does he found his opinion of the Secretary? No proof can be given of it. Mr. A. said, he had always understood that the Secretary was opposed to the repeal of that His numerous reports prove the fact; in all of which, if they are examined, it will be found that he considered that duty as one of the branches of revenue upon which he relied. But there would be no criminality, if we were to suppose that the Secretary had joined in the general opinion and given his assent to the repeal, as well as the honorable member has done; the fact, how-sury. Whether we now vote six or ten regiments ever, Mr. A. averred to be otherwise. That officer must be supposed more alive to everything connected with the Treasury, than other members of the Government. So far had the Secretary carried this feeling toward the Treasury, that he was not only opposed to the repeal of the salt tax, but Mr. A. had always understood that he was opposed to the repeal of the internal taxes at the time they took place; with a view no doubt not only to be able to meet all the demands that could be legally made upon the Treasury, but to procure a surplus to meet any contingency that the peculiar state of our foreign relations might demand. How then the honorable member can charge the Secretary with the deficiency which the salt tax would have prevented, according to the gentleman's calculation, Mr. A. said he was at a loss to know, The honorable member ought more properly to charge his own complaisance

of infantry, with the addition of those of artillery and horse, the expense will be great; but we think it necessary some additional troops shall be raised, and will vote accordingly. After they shall have been authorized, and not before, the Treasury Department may be called upon, to point out the resources and present them to our consideration. The honorable member, not satisfied with his vague charge of what he calls a recession of the Treasury Department, extends the charge, in a most extraordinary manner, to the late and pres ent Administrations. To their indisposition to press on the Treasury, and to disturb the repose and popularity of the Secretary of the Treasury, the honorable member ascribes the measures, which, in his opinion, had dishonored the nation the last three years. Can this be correct, Mr. President? Can this House believe that the late and present Administrations would be capable of