master, and disavows with horror the idea of offering temptations to any slave. It denies the design of attempting emancipation, either partial or general; it denies, with us, that the General Government have any power to emancipate; and declares that the States have exclusively the right to regulate the whole subject of slavery. The scope of the Society is large enough, but it is in no wise mingled or confounded with the broad sweeping views of a few fanatics in America, who would urge us on to the sudden and total abolition of slavery. Are the avowed and true objects of the Society desirable? And as these objects are two, let me consider them apart. 1st, as to the actual free people of colour, and next to those who may be hereafter set free, with reference to the Society. Is there any one who has regarded for a moment the deplorable condition of the liberated Africans in Virginia, who desires to retain them in our borders? I will look no farther when I seek for the most degraded, the most abandoned race on the earth, but rest my eye on this people. How came they thus? Alas! it is we, we who having first crushed all cheerful hope of good, all taste for praise paid to virtue, by making them slaves, have completed the work by throwing them out on a world where we are vain enough to expect from them actions without motives; efforts where is no spring; clearness and straightness of sight where is no light; where the passive qualities bring contempt, and the active meet no honour, but suspicion rather; where ignorance with its fool-born lightness of heart and giddy carelessness of to-morrow, leads them on; where poverty hangs its tatters on them, and plants its unappeased hunger in their breast; and where vice in its worst shapes, from indolence up to felony, is their shadow, their familiar, their tempter. Sir, is this imagination? And, being true, what but sorrow can we feel at the misguided piety which has set free so many of them by death-bed devise or sudden conviction of injustice? Better, far better, for us, had they been kept in bondage, where the opportunity, the inducements, the necessity of vice would not have been so great. Deplorable necessity, indeed, to one borne down with the consciousness of the violence we have done. Yet I am clear that, whether we consider it with reference to the welfare of the State, or the happiness of the blacks, it were better to have left them in chains, than to have liberated them to receive such freedom as they enjoy, and greater freedom we cannot, must not allow them. In 1810, there were 30,000, and in 1820 there were 37,000 free blacks in Virginia, an increase of about one fourth in ten years, which number would double itself, at that rate, in about 33 years. Emigration into Virginia of these people, there has been none, and all those emancipated since 1806, have been compelled to leave the State. It is observable that, with almost the whole slave population, the free blacks are gathered in the middle and eastern counties of the State. I am a Virginian-I dread for her the corroding evil of this numerous caste, and I tremble for the danger of a disaffection spreading through their seductions, among our servants. I am a man-I cannot disown some kind

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regard for the welfare even of this humble wretched class; and farther and deeper than this, am I concerned. I know that I, and all of us, have had our share in the institution which has brought them first to the degradation of slavery, and next binds them down to the baseness of ineffectual freedom. Whether, then, we fear or loathe them-whether we feel compassion towards them, as a common feeling of humanity, or compunction, as to those we have injured, cruelly injured, we must all desire to be rid of them and if possible to make better their condition thereby. The whole number of free blacks in the United States in 1820, was 233,000, and the annual increase at this time has been calculated at 6,000. I need not, I am sure, address a single argument to any one in this assembly, to strengthen the conviction which this bare statement must produce, that this class must be removed from among us. And what plan does the Society propose as conducive to this great end? The history of the Society and its efforts is brief, and I prefer to use the concise language for a few sentences, of the Society itself. Immediately after its formation in 1816, "agents were sent "out to the South-western coast of Africa, with instructions to visit the "British settlement of Sierra Leone and other places in the vicinity, to se"lect a proper location for the proposed colony, and to ascertain how far "reliance might be placed on the favourable disposition of the native "tribes; and from these commissioners, a report was received, of the most encouraging character. After some further inquiries and preparatory "efforts, a small colony was sent out, in the year 1820, and placed on “Sherbro Island, as a temporary residence, until possession could be ob"tained of a neighbouring tract of land on the continent, which the natives "had promised to scil. The performance of this promise was delayed and ❝evaded, under various pretexts, for a considerable time, during which “the health of the colony suffered very materially from the low, flat and marshy ground of Sherbro, where they were compelled to continue their "residence much longer than had been anticipated. At length, however, "the Agent of the government of the United States employed to select a "suitable situation for the Africans, recaptured, under the laws to suppress the slave trade, effected in conjunction with those of the Coloniza"tion Society, the purchase of an extensive territory at the mouth of the "Montserado river, including the cape and bay of that river, and there the "colony has been established. The soil is fertile, the land elevated near ́ly one hundred feet above the sea, the climate as healthy as any in Afri66 ca, and the anchorage in the Bay and roadstead, not inferior to any on "the whole coast. The distance from the flourishing colony at Sierra "Leone is between 2 and 300 miles. The natives in the vicinity are divid❝ed into a great number of small and nearly independent tribes, and being "but slightly held together by any superior authority, may be considered as wholly incapable of uniting, to any serious extent, for purposes of hostility. In a single instance, an attack was made on the colony while

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" in its feeblest condition; but the facility with which it was repelled, renders "the future security of the colony from similar attacks unquestionable, "under its probable increase of population, and the improved means of "defence with which it is already provided." "The conduct of the na“tives indeed is now of the most peaceable and friendly character.""Notwithstanding all the difficulties inseparable from the nature of the attempt, the colony has annually increased in population, and now con"tains upwards of 600 individuals; a government has been established, "provided, as far as practicable, with the necessary securities for life, liber"ty and property. Schools are opened for the instruction of natives, as "well as colonists. A library of 1200 vols. has been sent over, and a print"ing press; lands have been cleared, and partitioned among the settlers, and an annual product may soon be anticipated adequate to the supply as well " of all who have already emigrated, as also of those who may hereafter be "induced to seek for happiness and independence, in the land of their fa"thers, and a home of their own." Of the health, let me add, that of two vessels which sailed during the early part of the year 1826, the one from Boston with 34 emigrants, and the other from Norfolk with 154 persons, of whom 139 were from North Carolina, nearly one half of the passengers from Boston, perished at Liberia, while not one of the latter vessel suffered severely from sickness, a fact which shows how perfectly the Africans who had lived in our Southern climate are qualified for the tropical climate to which they go. Of the soil, that it is among the richest in the world; and of the trade, that no less than 15 vessels touched at Liberia in the first half of the year 1826, and purchased the produce of the country, to the amount of about $43,980, African value, and that by this traffic, the colony had made a total profit of $30,780.

The price of labour to mechanics is two dollars per day, and to common labourers from 75 cents to $1 25; and the circumstances of the settlers, of course, are easy and comfortable. "Every family," says Mr. Ashmun, "and nearly every single adult person in the colony, has the means of employing from one to four native labourers, at an expense of from four to six dollars the month; and several of the settlers, when called upon, in consequence of sudden exigencies of the public service, have made repeated advances of merchantable produce to the amount of $300 to 600 each. Such is the beginning of the colony; such the asylum held out inviting the free blacks; and such the spot which the Virginia Legislature so long and so ardently sought to find, in order to display its humanity and magnanimity in a suitable mode toward these degraded persons. And now, that we have found it, is it for us in Virginia to be studious of objections to the sufficiency of the plan? Shall we deny its merit, brand its spirit as enthusiastic, nay fanatical, and rave against it as incendiary, and never once remember that it is our own plan, exactly as set out in our Act of Assembly of 1816, and adopted by others at our suggestion? with no one adjunct or quality which our own

plan would not have possessed? True it is, there are a few among us, and those, too, not the least conspicuous in the State, who have found, may I say created, objections to the colonizing system?-It is these objections to which I alluded in commencing; and the formal avowal of them as conclusive against the Society, is, I think, the most important event which I can bring to the notice of this auxiliary Society at this its anniversary. The first great material objection is that the Society does, in fact, in spite of its denial, meditate and conspire the emancipation of the slaves. To the candid, let me say that there are names on the rolls of the Society too high to be rationally accused of the duplicity and insidious falsehood which this implies; farther, the Society and its branches are composed, in by far the larger part, of citizens of slave-holding states, who cannot gravely be charged with a design so perilous to themselves. To the uncandid disputant, I say, let him put his finger on one single sentiment, declaration or act of the Society, or of any person, with its sanction, which shows such to be their object: there is in fact no pretext for the charge. But it is at least apprehended that some danger of this kind lies hid in the second branch of the Society's plan-that in reference to such persons as by the laws of the States or acts of owners, may be hereafter set free. The objection brings me to the illustration of that branch, as I proposed. It is most true, that the Society in devising a scheme for the blacks already free, have been fortunate enough to contrive one susceptible of expansion to the utmost degree that humanity may demand; have tried to provide an asylum large enough for as many as we may at any time, voluntarily, and according to the laws of our State manumit. Most, true, also, is it, that by providing a safe and happy refuge for such as are permitted to go, it results that some masters, hitherto prevented by the fear that they would confer no real happiness on them by turning them loose in America, while they would certainly be curses to Society here, may be in time induced to liberate those under their dominion, and send them far out of the limits where they can be despised, and we endangered by their contagion. Such was, in every particular, the plan of the Virginia Legislature; such would have been its expansibility and admirable adaption also.

But shall it be, indeed, matter of reproach to the Society that it offers a mode whereby such as are perfectly willing may relieve themselves of their slaves, without possibility of danger to the community? Are the masters in Virginia afraid to trust themselves to the temptation of an opportunity so inviting to patriotism, so free from ill consequence as this will be, I trust in some future day? For surely this thing will never be done without our entire consent. But I draw nearer. I take it for granted, it is impossible for me to doubt it, that every individual slave-holder in the United States acknowledges the injustice and violence of the right he assumes over his slaves, and feels it his duty, before God, and to his country, to renounce that right whenever he can do it with safety to the community and to the real

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benefit of the slaves. Men may doubt about the fitness of an opportunity; the opportunity may not yet be come; may not come for one or two centuries; but the wise know that it will come, and patriotism trusts it may When it has arrived, I know that honest men will take but one course. I do not condemn, let me be understood, their detention in bondage under the circumstances which are yet existing. I may be permitted to declare that I would be a slave holder to-day without scruple.But, Mr. President, I hold it due to candor to say, that if there be a statesman in the United States, and I believe there are two or three such, who is content that we shall always hold them in servitude, and would advise us to rest contented with them, us and our posterity, without seeking or accepting means of liberating ourselves and them, he deserves a heavier vengeance than the orator's bile, the curses alike of America counselled to her ruin, and of outraged Africa. Let me not be considered harsh; for, inas much as the piratical trader for human beings on the African coast, the master of the slave ship, is the most detestable of monsters in action, so, I must say, is the advocate by cool argument of slavery in the abstract, odious in thought. I know such is not the feeling of Virginia; we hope that one day or other, more propitious than the present, it must be, our posterity shall see this a liberated land. Meanwhile, no one shall upbraid the humane master, and not a whisper of sedition be suffered to reach the slave: I admit, then, for the Society, that, when its colony is enlarged, as it hopes it will be, in its capacity, it will afford some great conveniences to all masters who, with their understandings perfectly convinced, their feelings gained, their self-interest wholly persuaded, and not without all these, are desirous of doing their share, for humanity or for policy. Yet the Society holds out no invitations of this sort, for the colony is yet confined in its capacity, and the free blacks, the main object, are not to any degree removed yet.

By and by, the reflection will come more and more home to our "business and our bosoms," that we are indulging and clinging to a connection, not more beneficial to us than to the slaves, which checks the growth of the state, and impedes it in its career after wealth and all improvement; that slave labour is dearer than free; and that the ill effects of slavery on ourselves are without number; then shall we all be of one mind. Are they our brothers, whom we have torn from their homes? we will bear them back with repentant kindness. Are they vipers, who are sucking our blood? we will hurl them from us. It is not sympathy alone,-not sickly sympathy, no, nor manly sympathy either,—which is to act on us; but vital policy, self-interest, are also enlisting themselves on the humane side in our breasts. Leave us, Virginians, to ourselves, and we shall one day do all that can be asked. And I have said that the Society does leave you to yourselves: and if it be that it is opening an outlet for some part of the evil to such as are entirely willing to part with it, I know not whether most to pity or con