deemed right to presume somewhat upon the liberality of those, who have so often evinced their disposition to aid our cause; so prompt to contribute when contributions were most necessary. On the subject of the Colonization Society, the TRUTH begins to triumph. Every day brings evidence of its progress, and soon will it achieve a perfect victory. Contributions To the American Colonization Society, from the 31st Dec. 1827, to 19th Jan. 1828. From R. H. Douglass, Esq. Baltimore, $30 ,, Hon. John Locke of Massachusetts, yearly contribution, ........ ,, Benj. F. Taylor, Esq. Loudon county, Va. 1 5 do. do. .... 1 Collection in Methodist Church, Easton, Md. ..... $5 91 Aux. Society, Wheeling, Va. per R. M‘Kee, Esq. 10 53 91 ........ 28 50 a Friend to the Scheme, Fredericksburg, Va. 100 5 Cath. 1. Watson, Albany, N. Y. for transporting a col'd. child, 10 Rev. H. Millan, Chester C. H. South Carolina, 11 Several sums have been received from the Rev. Moses Henkle of Ohio; but as the Treasurer's account, in the Annual Report of the Society, refers to the list in this number, brought up only to the 19th instant, the insertion of them is left for next month. བ་་་ལ་ ERRATA.-The extract in our last number, page 312, from the Message of the Governor of Ohio, should have been ascribed to Governor Trimble, instead of Governor Morrow. Same number, page 319, for donation of $30 from J. M. Garnet, Esq. read, From the Liberian Society, Essex co. Va. $30. On behalf of the Board of Managers, who had this night seen and heard all that was calculated to animate them to a faithful discharge of their duties, he begged leave to present a resolution of thanks for the zealous co operation of the Auxiliary Societies throughout the United States. In the increasing exertions of these valuable branches of the parent Institution, the Society believed itself to possess the most satisfactory pledge that its design had received the approbation, and would ere long enjoy the support of the great body of citizens throughout our country. Such an anticipation was not to be thought delusive, because the opposition made to the Society at its commencement, still continued. On the contrary, this very opposition, properly considered, affords the fullest proof of the wisdom of our ob ject, and the fairest presage of its success. At its origin the Society found itself in a very extraordinary situation.➡ It had scarcely been formed when it was assailed by opponents of the most contrary character, from the North and the South. Men, who held, upon these subjects, the most opposite views, who agreed in no one thing that related to our coloured population, united in denouncing us. This state of things, in some measure, still continues. But the Board of Managers have long ceased to look upon it with alarm. They soon perceived that a wis dom far higher than their own, was, in a way most contrary to their expectations, gradually preparing the public mind for a fair consideration and favorable reception of their measures. They were compelled to see and to acknowledge that it was best it should be so. Had the design of the Society been approved and supported in the outset by either of these opposing parties, it must have encountered the settled and irreconcileable opposition of the other; but as it is, the Society, instead of being espoused by the North in opposition to the South, or by the South in opposition to the North, has been silently filling its ranks with converts from both. Its cause has been gradually bringing over the moderate, the reasonable, the humane, the patriotic, from all parties and from every portion of the Union to give their aid and countenance to the support of a scheme which they once opposed only because they misunderstood it. I have adverted to this extraordinary opposition that the friends of the Society may not be dismayed by it; and I take this occasion to address a few words to each of those classes of opponents. I would premise what I have to say to them by stating two very plain propositions. The first is, that the subject of slavery, in some way or other, will come into the thoughts, feelings, and plans of men situated as we are. It is in vain to say-let it alone. There may have been a time when the excitement now felt on this subject might have been stifled. When it was determined by our fathers to secure to themselves and their posterity the rights of freemen and the blessings of independence, then should they have been warned of the exciting consequences that would result from the acquisition and enjoyment of such rights. Then should it have been shown how they would lead to conceptions and discussions, dangerous to the rights of property and the public peace. Then should they have been called to choose between these conflicting interests, and to count the cost of what they might lose by declaring to the world that all men were free and equal, and appealing to Heaven for its truth. But there was then, no man cold enough for such a calculation-no man who could darken the brightness of that day by raising such a question. It is too late now. In this age, in this country, the agitation of this subject is unavoidable. Legislation never can restrain it. Public sentiment never will. You may as well forge fetters for the winds, as for the impulses of free and exulting hearts. If speech and action could be repressed, there would be ex citement in the very looks of freemen. The other proposition is this. That among the plans and discussions that relate to this delicate subject, it must happen that some will be rash and dangerous. It is not to be expected, that men, not well informed of facts as they exist, and misled by the ardor of an inconsiderate zeal, will not devise projects, and hold them out to others, which may be attended with the most disastrous consequences. This is the nature of things. It must ever be so upon every subject, which, like this contains within itself, the elements of great excitement; more especially when that excitement is connected with some of the best principles and feelings of the heart. Now, Sir, put these two propositions together-that silence and inaction are unattainable, and dangerous and improper projects almost unavoidable; and what are we to do? Something we must do. However desirous we might be to do nothing, it is impossible, because others will not consent to do nothing; and if we relinquish the task of action, it will infallibly fall into hands most unfit to receive it. Nothing remains, then, but to devise something safe and practicable, and place it in prudent hands. And now, Sir, I would respectfully ask our opponents, of both descriptions, to consider whether this has not been done by the establishment of this Society. I would ask the abolitionist to suspend his own labours, and consider the object and the consequences of ours. I would ask him if it is not better to unite with us in what is safe and practicable, and may be man. aged with the consent of those, whose consent is not to be dispensed with, than to attempt to force his own views upon men, by means which they denounce as dangerous. Sir, this is the appeal which has been made by the Society, and which it yet makes to one class of its opponents. Nor is it altogether unsuccessful. Many active and benevolent men are now with us, who, but for this Society, would have been working on their own more questionable projects, and vainly attempting what, perhaps, can scarcely be pursued, with safety to the peace and happiness of the country. And may we not appeal also to our Brethren of the South-and ask their fair consideration of the two propositions I have suggested? If feeling, discussion, and action, in reference to a subject upon which they are so sensitive, cannot be extinguished, is it not wise to endeavour to moderate and restrain them? May they not, if they cannot give their approbation to our Society, as good in itself, at least bring themselves to tolerate it as the preventive of greater evils? May it not be wise for those who must know that there are schemes more alarming to their interests than Colonization, to suffer us to enlarge our sphere of action, and bring those who would otherwise be engaged in dangerous and injudicious projects, to unite in our safer labours? May we not claim at least this merit for our labours:-that they are safe? May we not appeal to the experience of eleven years, to show that the work in which we are engaged can be conducted without excitement or alarm? And who are we, we may be permitted to ask, to whose hands this charge has been committed? We have the same interests in this subject with our Southern Brethren—the same opportunity of understanding it, and of knowing with what care and prudence it should be approached. What greater pledge can we give for the moderation and safety of our measures than our own interests as slave-holders, and the ties that bind us to the slave-holding communities to which we belong? I hope I may be excused if I add that the subject which engages us, one in which it is our right to act as much our right to act, as it is the right, of those who differ with us, not to act. If we believe in the existence of a great moral and political evil amongst us, and that duty, honor and interest call upon us to prepare the way for its removal, we must act. All that can be asked of us is, that we act discreetly-with a just regard to the rights and feelings of others;-that we make due allowances for those who differ with us, receive their opposition with patience, and overcome it by the fruits that a favouring Providence, to which we look, may enable us to present from our labours. Mr. K. concluded by offering the following resolution, which was agreed to. Resolved, That the several Auxiliary Societies throughout the Union, have, by their zealous and efficient exertions during the year, merited the thanks of this Institution. Mr. CUSTIS, of Arlington, addressed the Chair. He said that it was not his design to have trespassed on the patience of the Society this evening-and he had often trespassed before. But, in as much as the Committee had done him the honour to hand him a resolution, on introducing it, he would make a few remarks. As an old and faithful servant of the cause, he was always ready to do his duty, whether in the legislative palace or elsewhere. He approved the resolution which he was about to offer. This Society ought to be the fountain; and its streams ought to be extended to every section of the country. He wished to see it so multiplied. It was a design that was "twice blessed”; it blessed those who gave, and those who receive ed. It was not figuratively, but really so-for, said Mr. C., if there is an object in the Christian world, which bestows benefits not only upon those who receive, but those who give, it is that for which this Society was created. It was not his intention now to detain the Society long. He would make but a very few remarks. My days of enthusiasm, said Mr. C., have long since gone past; and I now 'look through the plain medium of sober truth, upon the objects of this world. Viewing things in this manner, I feel that the design of the Colonization Society must succeed, as strongly as I feel the force of any selfevident proposition. Sir, it cannot be otherwise. Reason and experience and principle, are with us. The land of liberty is not a home for the slave. He perishes there. His mind and energies are withered, Sir, if we go back to the olden time, and mark the progress of events, what do we see? Two barks, at different periods, left the shores of Europe, and spread their canvass for the New World. Of the one which steered to the North, Religion sat at the helm, and with her, came all the kindred virtues. They debarked upon a bleak and barren coast, where, by |