existence. To my own personal knowledge, it has produced the impression among foreign nations that our great and glorious confederacy is in constant danger of dissolution. This does us serious injury, because acknowledged power and stability always command respect among nations, and are among the best securities against unjust aggression, and in favor of the maintenance of honorable peace." He approves the recent legislation of Congress, and thinks it will terminate this agitation: "The recent legislation of Congress respecting domestic slavery, derived, as it has been, from the original and pure fountain of legitimate political power, the will of the majority, promises ere long to allay the danger, ous excitement. This legislation is founded upon principles as ancient as free government itself; and, in accordance with them, has simply declared that the people of a Territory, like those of a State, shall decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits." Endorses the Nebraska-Kansas act : "The Nebraska-Kansas act does not more than give the force of law to this elementary principle of selfgovernment, declaring it to be the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.' This principle will surely not be controverted by any individual of any party professing devotion to popular government. Besides, how vain and illusory wo Ed any other principle prove in practice in regard to the Territories. This is apparent from the fact admitted by all, that after a Territory shall have entered the Union and become a State, no constitutional power oud then exist which could prevent it from either abolishing or establishing -slavery, as the case may be, acording to its sovereign will and pleasure." He considers it the mission of the Democratic party to quiet this agitation: "May we not hope that it is the mission of the Democratic party, now the only surviving conservative party fthe country, ere long to overthrow all sectional parties, and restore the peace, friendship, and mutual confidence, which prevailed in the good old time, among the different members of the confederacy? Its character is strictly national, and it therefore asserts no principle for the guidance of the federal government which is not adopted and sustained by its members in each and every State. For this reason it is everywhere the same determined foe of all geographical parties, so much and so justly dreaded by the Father of his Country. From its very nature it must continue to exist so long as there is a constitution and a Union to preserve. conviction of these truths has induced many of the purest, the ablest, and most independent of our former opponents, who have differed from us in times gone by upon old and extinet party issues, to come into our ranks and devote themselves with us to the cause of the constitution and the Union. Pledges himself to restore and maintain harmony amongst the States: A "Under these circumstances I most cheerfully pledge myself, should the nomination of the convention be ratified by the people, that all the power and influence constitutionally possessed by the executive shall be exerted in a firm but conciliatory spirit, during the single term I shall remain in office, to restore the same harmony among the sister States which prevailed before this apple of discord, in the form of slavery agitation, had been cast into their midst. Let the members of the family abstain from intermeddling with the exclusive domestic concerns of each other, and cordially unite, on the basis of perfect equality among themselves, in promoting the great national objects of common Interest to all, and the good work will be instantly accomplished." His position as defined by himself : In summing up his position on the slavery question, in a speech delivered in 1810, he said: * * * I "During the session of 1835--6, when an alarming excitement prevailed on this subject throughout a large I took a decided stand against the abolitionists. sportion of the country, Now, said Mr. B., in consequence of my conduct here throughout that session, I have borne the brunt of the abolitionist at home. agree with the Senator from Kentucky that the danger has passed away, the crisis is now over, and the fanaticism which threatened to invade the constitutional rights of the South and dissolve the Union has been nearly extinguished. It is impossible, after all that is past, that they can doubt our devotion to the constitutional rights of the South. Let me assure them, then, that our greatest danger is from agitation here; excitement is the element in which abolition lives and moves and has its being; a flame kindled in the Capital would soon invade the Union. * * * * * * * * * "When did fanaticism ever yield to the voice of reason? Let it alone and it will soon burn out for want of the fuel upon which it feeds." [Mr. B. moved that the question on the reception be laid on the table.]-Cong. Globe, vol. 8, page 188. Such is an outline of the record of James Buchanan-full, clear, conservative and consistent. He has stood in the breach, and fought in defence of the constitutional rights of the South against fanaticism in all its forms. We invite all fair and unprejudiced men to its investigation. Let us now see how the record of his competitor for the votes of the South will compare with his own. RECORD OF MR. FILLMORE UPON THE SLAVERY QUESTION. The earliest authentic avowal of Mr. Fillmore's opinion upon the subject of slavery, is to be found in the following answer to a letter of inquiry addressed to him by 'The Anti-Slavery Association of the County of Erie." These opinions, we shall subsequently show, have never been disavowed or recanted. "BUFFALO, October 17, 1838. "SIR: Your communication of the 13th instant, as chairman of the committee appointed by The AntiSlavery Society of the County of Erie,' has just come to hand. You solicit my answer to the following interrogatories: "1st. Do you believe that petitions to Congress on the subject of slavery and the slave-trade ought to be received, read, and respectfully considered by the representatives of the people? "2d. Are you opposed to the annexation of Texas to this Union, under any circumstances, so long as slaves are held therein? "3d. Are you in favor of Congress exercising all the constitutional powers it possesses to abolish the internal slave trade between the States? 4th. Are you in favor of immediate legislation for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia? "Answer. I am much engaged, and have no time to enter into argument, or explain at length my reasons for my opinion. I shall therefore content myself, for the present, by answering ALL your interrogatories in the AFFIRMATIVE, and leave for some future occasion a more extended discussion on the subject. "I would, however, take this occasion to say, that in thus frankly giving my opinion, I would not desire to have it understood in the nature of a pledge. At the same time that I seek no disguises, but freely give my sentiments on any subject of interest to those for whose suffrages I am a candidate, I am opposed to give any pledge that shall deprive me hereafter of all discretionary power. My own character must be the guaranty for the general correctness of my legislative deportment. On every important subject I am bound to deliberate before I act, and especially as a legislator-to possess myself of all the information, and listen to every argument that can be adduced by my associates, before I give a final vote. If I stand pledged to a particular course of action, I cease to be a responsible agent, but I become a mere machine. Should subsequent events show, beyond all doubt, that the course I had become pledged to pursue was ruinous to my constituents and disgraceful to myself, I have no alternative, no opportunity for repentance, and there is no power to absolve me from my obligation. Hence the impropriety, not to say absurdity, in my view, of giving a pledge. "I am aware that you have not asked any pledge, and I believe I know your sound judgment and good sense too well to think you desire any such thing. It was, however, to prevent any misrepresentation on the part of others, that I have felt it my duty to say thus much on this subject. "I am, respectfully, your most obedient servant, "W. MILLS, Esq., Chairman." "MILLARD FILLMORE. It is proper to state that Mr. Fillmore, when pressed at the South, in the canvass of 1848, upon the monstrous doctrines of this letter, wrote to Governor Gayle, of Alabama, the following explanation of his position upon the questions involved in his reply. . We publish the Gayle letter in full. 66 ALBANY, July 31, 1848. "DEAR SIR: I have your letter of the 5th instant, but my official duties have been so pressing that I have been compelled to neglect my private correspondence. I had also determined to write no letters for publication bearing upon the contest in the approaching canvass. But, as you desire some information for your own satisfaction in regard to the charges brought against me from the South, on the slave question, I have concluded state briefly my position. "While I was in Congress, there was much agitation on the right of petition. My votes will doubtless be found recorded uniformly in favor of it. The rule upon which I acted was, that every citizen presenting a respectful petition to the body that by the constitution had the power to grant or refuse the prayer of it, was entitled to be heard; and therefore the petition ought to be received and considered. If right and reasonable, the prayer of it should be granted; but if wrong or unreasonable, it should be denied. I think all my votes, whether on the reception of petitions or the consideration of resolutions, will be found consistent with this rule. [Our italics.] "I have none of my congressional documents here, they being at my former residence in Buffalo, nor have I access to any papers or memoranda to refresh my recollection; but I think at some time while in Congress 1 took occasion to state, in substance, my views on the subject of slavery in the States. Whether the remarks were reported or not, I am unable to say; but the substance was, that I regarded slavery as an evil, but one with which the national government had nothing to do-that by the constitution of the United States, the whole power over that question was vested in the several States where the institution was tolerated. If they regarded it as a blessing, they had a constitutional right to enjoy it; and if they regarded it as an evil they had the power, and knew best how to apply the remedy. I did not conceive that Congress had any power over it, or was in any way responsible for its continuance in the several States where it existed. have entertained no other sentiments on this subject since I examined it sufficiently to form an opinion; and I doubt not that all my acts, public and private, will be found in accordance with this view. "I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, "Hon. JOHN GAYLE." "MILLARD FILLMORE. But In this response there are some errors of fact, or of memory, and an entire failure to deny the power of Congress over the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia and the Territories. This constituted the very gist of objection to the Erie letter. The Gayle letter denies the power of Congress over slavery "in the States where it existed;" nothing more. upon a review of this letter, of his votes, and subsequent conduct whilst a member of Congress, we are compelled to assert that Mr. Fillmore stands recorded and proven, by contemporaneous testimony, to have been one of the fathers and founders of that abolition agitation which he now so much condemns. The following votes will show that Mr. Fillmore was mistaken when he said, in 1848, "the rule upon which I acted was, that every citizen presenting a respectful petition to the body that by the constitution had the power to grant or refuse the prayer of it, was entitled to be heard." "I think," he adds, "all my votes, whether upon the reception of petitions or the consideration of resolutions, [our italics], will be found consistent with this rule." He votes to receive and refer abolition petitions : "December 12, 1837, Mr. Adams presented a petition praying the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and moved that it and others be referred to the committee on the District of Columbia, with instructions to consider and report thereon. Mr. Wise moved to lay that motion on the table-yeas and rays ordered on that question-yeas 135, nays 70. Adams, Fillmore, Slade, Giddings, & Co. in the negative."-Cong. Globe, vol. 6, p. 19. "Mr. Adams then presented a petition for the abolition of slavery in the Territories of the United States, and moved its reference to the Committee on Territories. Mr. Wise moved to lay the motion on the table-yeas and nays ordered-yeas 127, nays 73 Adams, Fillmore, Giddings, Slade & Co. in the negative."-Cong. Globe, vol. 6, p. 20. In this case the right of petition is confounded with the proposition to report for legislative consideration. It is impossible to assert with what motive Mr. Fillmore advocated the recep tion; but His vote against receiving the Atherton resolutions is more explicit upon that point : On the 11th December, 1838, (Cong. Globe, vol. 7, p. 23,) Mr. Atherton asked leave to submit the following resolutions: "Resolved, That this government is a government of limited powers, and that by the constitution of the United States Congress has no jurisdiction whatever over the institution of slavery in the several States of the confederacy. "Resolved, That petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and the Territories of the United States, and against the removal of slaves from one State to another, are a part of a plan of operations set on foot to effect the institution of slavery in the several States, and thus indirectly to destroy that institution within their limits. "Resolved, That Congress has no right to do that indirectly, which it cannot do directly; and that the agitation of the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia or the Territories as a means, and with the view of disturbing or overthrowing that institution in the several States, is against the true spirit and meaning of the constitution, an infringement of the right of the States affected, and a breach of the public faith upon which they entered into the confederacy. Resolved, That the constitution rests on the broad principle of equality among the members of this confederacy, and that Congress, in the exercise of its acknowledged powers, has no right to discriminate between the institutions of one portion of the States and another, with a view of abolishing the one and promoting the other. "Resolved, therefore, That all attempts on the part of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia or the Territories, or to prohibit the removal of slaves from State to State, or to discriminate between the institutions of one portion of the confederacy and another with the views aforesaid, are in violation of the constitution, destructive of the fundamental principle on which the union of these States rests, and beyond the jurisdiction of Congress; and that every petition, memorial, resolution, proposition, or paper, touching or relating in any way or to any extent whatever to slavery as aforesaid, or the abolition thereof, shall, on the presentation thereof, without any further action thereon, be laid upon the table without being debated, printed, or referred." Mr. Atherton moved a suspension of the rules-yeas and nays ordered-yeas 137, nays 66. Adams, Fillmore, & Co., in the negative. This vote, against the "leave to submit," is inconsistent with the principle avowed in the Gayle letter; for even if he had determined to vote against the resolution upon its merits, he was bound to have voted for the reception, because every citizen "presenting a petition [or resolution] to the body that by the constitution had the power to grant or refuse the prayer of it, was entitled to be heard." But there is another evidence of inaccurate recollection, combined with an endorsement of the most dangerous and abominable doctrines, presented by His votes upon the case of the Creole slave mutiny and murder : This case was presented to Congress March 21, 1842.-See Cong. Globe, vol. 11, p. 342. The brig Creole, bound from Richmond, Va., to New Orleans, was freighted, among other things, with a large lot of negroes, who mutinied in a storm, killed the captain, several of the crew and passengers, and compelled some of the officers of the vessel to take her into Nassau, N. P., one of the British West India islands, where the negroes were taken care of and set free by the authorities of the island. This case was the subject of Congressional action in both houses of Congress, and of negotiation with Great Britain. The most intense feeling was manifested all over the Union, and particularly in the South. "During the pendency of the excitement, the notorious abolitionist, J. R. Giddings, offered a set of resolutions, justifying the negroes in their mutiny and murder, and approving of their course, denying that said negroes had violated any law of the United States; stating that they had incurred no legal penalty, and are justly liable to no punishment; and that all attempts to regain possession of, or to re-enslave said persons, are unauthorized by the constitution and prejudicial to the national honor." We annex them, omitting the first three: "Resolved, That slavery being an abridgment of the natural rights of man, can exist only by force of positive municipal law, and is necessarily confined to the territorial jurisdiction of the power creating it. "5. That when a ship belonging to the citizens of any State of this Union leaves the waters and territory of such State and enters upon the high seas, the persons (slaves) on board cease to be subject to the laws of such State, and thenceforth are governed in their relations to each other by, and are amenable to, the laws of the United States. "6. That when the brig Creole, on her late passage to New Orleans, left the territorial jurisdiction of Virginia, the slave laws of that State ceased to have jurisdiction over the persons (slaves) on board said brig, and such persons became amenable only to the laws of the United States. 7. That the persons (slaves) on board said brig, in resuming their natural rights of personal liberty, violated no law of the United States, incurred no legal penalty, and are justly liable to no punishment. "8. That all attempts to regain possession of, or to re-enslave said persons, are unauthorized by the constitution and laws of the United States, and are incompatible with our national honor. "9. That all attempts to exert our national influence in favor of the coastwise slave-trade, or to place this nation in the attitude of maintaining a commerce in human beings, are subversive of the rights and injurious to the feelings and the interests of the free States, are unauthorized by the constitution, and prejudicial to our national character." A motion was made that the resolutions do lie on the table--yeas 52, nays 125--Mr. Fillmore & Co. voting in the negative. This could not be considered a test vote; many members who were opposed to the resolutions voted against the motion, in order to kill them by a direct vote. Mr. Fillmore's views, however, will appear by what followed. Mr. John Minor Botts, on the same day, offered the following preamble and resolution: "Whereas the Hon. Joshua R. Giddings has this day presented to this House a series of resolutions touching the most important interests connected with a large portion of the Union, now a subject of negotiation between the United States and Great Britain, of the most delicate nature, the result of which may eventually involve those nations in war; and whereas it is the duty of every good citizen to dicountenance all efforts to create excitement, dissatisfaction, and division among the people of the United States at such a time, under such circumstances; and whereas mutiny and murder are therein justified and approved, in terms s! 'ockingto all sense of law, order, and humanity; therefore, "Resolved, That this House holds the conduct of the said member as altogether unwarranted and unwarrantable, and deserving the severe condemnation of the people of this country, and of this body in particular." On these resolutions a motion was made to suspend the rules--yeas 128, nays 68. Fillmore voted nay, with Adams, Giddings, and Slade. Two-thirds not voting in the affirmative, the rules were not suspended. The call for resolutions still resting with the State of Ohio, Mr. Weller offered Mr. Botts's resolutions as his own. In the discussion which then took place, Mr. Fillmore appeared as the special apologist and defender of his confrere, Giddings, who seems to have been as closely allied to him in feelings as we have shown him to have been in votes... Mr. Adams then moved to lay the whole subject on the table-yeas 70, nays 125-Adams, Fillmore, & Co. in the affirmative. The direct vote was then taken on the resolution censuring Giddings-yeas 125, nays 69--Fillmore and Co. in the negative. The vote was next taken on the preamble--yeas 119, nays 66--Fillmore & Co. again in the negative.--Cong. Globe, vol. 11, pp. 345-'46. On the 13th December, Mr. Wise asked leave to submit the following resolutions, as propositions containing his sentiments, and what he believed to be the real sentiments of the whole South: "1. Resolved, That Congress has no power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, or in the Territories of the United States; whether such power in the said District be exercised as a means or with the view of disturbing and overthrowing slavery in the States' or not. "2. Resolved, That Congress has no power to abolish the slave trade or prohibit the removal of slaves be tween the States and the District of Columbia or Territories of the United States. 3. Resolved, That Congress cannot receive or consider petitions for the exercise of any power whatever over the subject of slavery which Congress does not possess. "4. Resolved, That the laws of Congress alone govern in prescribing and regulating the mode and manner in which fugitive slaves shall be apprehended, and their rights to freedom held in the non-slaveholding States, District of Columbia, and Territories; and the mode and manner in which they shall be restored or delivered to their owners in the slave States. "5. Resolved, That Congress has no power to impose upon any State the abolition of slavery in its limits, as a condition of admission into this Union. "6. Resolved, That the citizens of the slaveholding States of this Union have the constitutional right voluntarily to take their slaves to or through a non-slaveholding State, and to sojourn or remain temporarily with such slaves in the same, and the slaves are not thereby ipso facto emancipated; and the general government is constitutionally bound to protect the rights of slaveholding States; and the laws of non-slaveholding States in conflict with the laws of Congress providing such protection are null and void.” Several members said, "Object to them." Mr. Rives did so; and Mr. Wise moved a suspension of the rules calling for the yeas and nays; which being ordered, were--yeas 118, nays 96--Fillmore in the negative.--See Cong. Globe, p. 33; House Jour., p. 74. So the motion to suspend was decided in the negative. On the 13th December, 1838, Mr. Slade asked leave to submit the following resolutions : "Whereas there exists, and is carried on between the ports in the District of Columbia and other ports of the United States, and under the sanction of the laws thereof, a trade in human beings, whereby thousands of them are annually sold and transported from said District to distant parts of the country, in vessels belonging to citizens of the United States; and, whereas such trade involves an outrageous violation of human rights, is a disgrace to the country by whose laws it is sanctioned, and calls for the immediate interpretation of legislative authority for its suppression; therefore, to the end that all obstacles to the consideration of this subject may be removed, and a remedy for the evil speedily provided, Resolved, That so much of the fifth of the resolutions on the subject of slavery, passed by this House on the 11th and 12th of the present month, as relates to the 'removal of slaves from State to State,' and prohibits the action of the House on every petition, memorial, resolution, proposition, or paper touching' the same, be, and hereby is, rescinded." Objection being made, Mr. S. moved a suspension of the rules, and demanded the yeas and nays; which being ordered, were--yeas 55, nays 157--Mr. Fillmore voting in the affirmative. So the House refused to suspend the rules.--See Cong. Globe, p. 99; House Jour., p 75. On the 31st December, 1839, 1st session 26th Congress, Mr. Coles moved a suspension of the rules, for the purpose of offering the following resolution: "Resolved, That every petition, memorial, resolution, proposition, or paper, touching or relating in any way, or to any extent whatever, to the abolition of slavery in the States of this Union, or either of them, or in the District of Columbia, or in the Territories of the United States, or either of them, or the removal of slaves from one State to another, shall, on the presentation thereof, without any further action thereon, be laid upon the table without being debated, printed, or referred." Upon which the yeas and nays were called, and were--yeas 87, nays 84--Mr. Fillmore in the negative.--See Cong. Globe, p. 93; House Jour., p. 153. On the 13th January, 1840, Mr. Lincoln, of Massachusetts, presented petitions praying for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and in the Territories of the United States. Mr. Cave Johnson moved to lay the question of reception on the table; which was decided in the affirmative--yeas 131, rays 88--Mr. Fillmore voting in the negative.-See Cong. Globe, p. 119; House Jour, p. 204. To show the excitement prevailing upon the discussion of these questions, a certain Mr. Pecx (an abolitionist thus taunted those northern men who voted for sectional harmony, when the vote was about being taken on laying Mr. Cole's resolution on the table: "Now come up, you s uthern slaves, and show yourselves " On all occasions, upon this subject, we find Mr. Fillmore voting with Mr. Peck. "That no petition, memorial, resolution, or other paper praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, or any State or Territory, or the slave trade between the States or Territories of the United States in which it now exists, shall be received by this House, or entertained in any way whatever." The question was taken on its adoption, and decided in the affirmative--yeas 114, nays 108-Fillmore in the negative.-See Cong. Globe, p. 151; House Jour., p. 241. HE VOTES TO RECEIVE ABOLITION PETITÌONS. On the 30th of December, 1830, a resolution was offered by Mr. Wise, declaring that petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, in the Territories, or of the slave trade between the States, should be objected to without debate. Mr. Wise said, if he thought there would be any objection to the passage of the resolution, he would call for the yeas and nays. Mr. Fillmore rose and said, he objected. The vote on motion to suspend the rules stood-yeas 109, nays 77. ADAMS, FILLMORE & Co. in the negative.-Cong. Globe, vol. 8, p. 897. On the 23d of December, 1840, Mr. James, of Pennsylvania, asked leave to present a petition from an anti-slavery society of his State. He also moved a suspension of the rules to enable him to present it. Mr. Johnson moved to lay the motion to suspend on the table -yeas 99, nays 53. ADAMS, GIDDINGS, FILLMORE & Co. voting in the negative.—Cong. Globe, vol. 9, p. 51. On the same day Mr. Rice submitted a series of resolutions, denying the right of Congress to interfere with slavery in the District of Columbia, in the Territories, or with the slave trade between the States, and resolving not to consider any petition, &c., for that purpose; motion to suspend the vote stood-yeas 106, nays 82. ADAMS, FILLMORE & Co. in the gative. On the 14th, Mr. Thompson, of South Carolina, moved a suspension of the rules to enable him to offer the following resolution : Resolved, That upon the presentation of any memorial or petition praying for the abolition of slavery or the slave trade in any District, Territory, or State of the Union, and upon the presentation of any resolution or paper, shall be considered as objected to, and the question of its reception shall be laid upon the table, without debate or further action thereon. The question was taken on the motion to suspend the rules, and decided in the negative; yeas 123, nays 77; there not being two-thirds voting in the affirmative. Fillmore in the negative. (See Congressional Globe, page 121; House Journal, page 206.) March 30, 1840, Mr. Marvin, of New York presented a petition to rescind the rule rejecting abolition petitions. Motion to lay it on the table-yeas 84, nays 49. FILLMORE, ADAMS & Co. in the negative.-Cong. Globe, vol. 8, p. 295. There is yet a further evidence that Mr. Fillmore's impartiality consisted rather in his recollections than in his votes. On December, 9, 1840, Mr. Adams offered the following resolution : Resolved, That the standing rule of this House, No. 21, adopted on the 28th of January last, be, and the same is hereby rescinded. Mr. Jenifer, of Maryland, moved to lay the resolution on the table. After some conversation on the subject, the yeas and nays on the motion to lay on the tabl were then ordered, and being taken, resulted as follows: yeas 82, nays 58. Amongst the nays are-Adams, FILLMORE, Slade, Peck, and 54 others. So the resolution was laid on the table. (See Cong. Globe, page 12; House Journal, page 8.) On the 21st January, 1841, Mr. Adams presented and moved the reference of a petition, asking the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the Territories; also, that no new Territory tolerating slavery may be admitted into the Union. Mr. Conner moved to lay that portion of the petition which came under the standing rule on the table. Mr. Adams asked how that was to be done, for the petition must then necessarily be cut in two. Mr. Warren, of Georgia, observed that, if the petitioners thought proper to attach objec tionable matter, not receivable by the House, to their petition, they ought not to complain if the whole was rejected. He therefore moved the rejection of the whole. That portion of the petition coming under the rule having been laid on the table sub silentio, Mr. Black, of Georgia, moved to reconsider the vote, for the purpose, in case it should be reconsidered, of moving the rejection of the whole, as he contended that no part of it ought to have been received. On that motion Mr. Adams demanded the yeas and nays, which were ordered, and decided by yeas and nays as follows: yeas 103, nays 51. FILLMORE in the negative. (See Congressional Globe, page 116; House Journal, page 202.) So the vote was reconsidered. After some further conversation, the hour having expired, the House proceeded to the orders of the day. On the 7th January, 1842, 2d session 27th Congress, Mr. Giddings, of Ohio, presented a memorial from certain legal voters of Lenox, in the county of Ashtabula, and State of Ohio, praying Congress to repeal the laws regulating or sanctioning the holding or transportation of persons as slaves in vessels of the United States sailing coastwise from one State to another; and to pass laws protecting the rights of all persons claimed or held as slaves who may be constitutionally entitled to their freedom by going to sea, with the consent of their masters, beyond the jurisdiction of the State in which they are legally held to be slaves. Mr. W. Cost Johnson objected to the reception of the petition, as prohibited by a rule of the House in relation to petitions for the abolition of slavery. Mr. Wise supported the objection, strenuously insisting that the memorial amounted to a prayer for the abolition of slavery on board any American vessel, whether public or private, |